Female foeticide

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Female foeticide



  • Feticide is the practice through which the sex of the fetus is determined with the help of ultrasound, in-vitro tests, scans etc. and then the fetus is killed through the process of abortion. Female feticide is a practice whereby a fetus is aborted after it has been determined that the sex of the fetus is female. It is also called sex-selective abortion.
  • According to the results of the 2001 census, there is a shortage of young girls compared to young boys, especially in the western regions of Punjab, Haryana and Uttar Pradesh. The practice of female infanticide, which was rampant during the colonial period, ended with the spread of social reforms aimed at empowering women. With the advent of new reproductive technologies such as amniocentesis and ultrasound, which van be used to determine the sex of an unborn fetus, it is sex-selective abortion that is gaining ground,
  • Means female feticide. The simplicity and availability of the tests, as well as the prevalence of son-preference, made female-specific abortions very popular. India is a pioneer in legalizing induced abortion under the Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act 1971, which specifies the reasons under which an abortion can be performed. One of the conditions under the Act is that abortions not performed by doctors trained in facilities registered to perform abortions are considered illegal. Also, the limited number of facilities and lack of access to them by people leads them to seek illegal facilities which puts them at risk. The rising number of female feticide led to the passing of another act—the Prenatal Diagnostic Techniques Act of 1994, which forbade individual practitioners, clinics or centers from conducting tests to determine the sex of the fetus or inform couples about it done. Even with these measures and monitoring, in


  • The act has been violated at many places due to market created need by the inherent desire of sons by majority of people.
  • The state-promoted family planning method of two children and a small family is widely accepted, but it also leads to the unintended promotion of female feticide as most families want at least one son, if not two. If the first child is a girl, most families opt for sex-selective abortion to improve their chances of having a son. In states such as Punjab, Haryana and Himachal Pradesh, which are economically prosperous, the practice of female feticide is remarkably non-progressive. According to Bose (2007), the main reasons seem to be: (1) easy access to medical facilities such as ultrasound and abortion facilities; (2) lack of money to pay for these tests and abortions; (3) Good infrastructure like roads which reduce the cost and time in travel. causes that contribution
  • This abominable practice is the fear of dowry, but families who are rich and can afford to pay dowry also participate in these practices and according to Bose it is quite

The Tak is due to the high respect and social status that families with sons were accorded.

The Tak is due to the high respect and social status that families with sons were accorded.

The Tak is due to the high esteem and social status that families with sons were conferred.

 One reason could be that sons do not have mobility restrictions and can migrate in search of better opportunities and jobs that are important to their families. Globalization which has given rise to mobility in terms of labor has added to this phenomenon and has become another reason for the continuation of this practice. The practice I supported: The demographic structure of the household and the practices of marriage and gifting that make girls a sexual, social and economic burden. According to Patel (2007), the ability or inability to reproduce has cultural connotations. Sonography gives people the potential, or at least the potential, of a desirable biological result, thereby reducing the gap between desirable and actual results. Social pressure and the process of socialization lead women to realize their ideal – more importantly to be the mother of sons if they want to rise in social stature. This combined with their lack of decision making in the area of family planning makes them more susceptible to agreeing to and even perpetuating such practices.



Dowry related violence:


  • In linking dowry deaths to dowry greed, the state names dowry as the main culprit instead of addressing the subjugation and devaluation of women. There is a belief that only dowry abolition will drastically improve the lives of women, ignoring the prevalence of other forms of violence against women such as sexual assault, female foeticide, forced marriage, etc., all of which have the same pattern of female subordination. Built-in flow.




  • In the 1950s, dowry was seen as a problem of expensive marriages and unreasonable demands, which prevented many middle-class families from finding suitable grooms for their daughters. In addition to the demands made before or during the marriage, there were often demands for more money and items from time to time.


  • The failure of the bride’s maternal family to meet these demands often resulted in the bride being tortured and sometimes killed by her husband and in-laws, which is called dowry death and usually in the house. The girls were burnt. , The Dowry Prohibition Act passed in 1961 did not do much to curb these incidents as according to the law, dowry-giving families were as guilty as dowry-seeking families and thus no complaints were registered for a long time Was. As a result women’s groups started focusing more actively on these dowry deaths and started calling them forced suicides and murders. There were 358 cases of women in the year 1979.


  • “accidental” burn deaths. These numbers continued to grow and in 1982 a small-scale women’s center was opened in Saheli to provide counseling and shelter to endangered women. The rising number of dowry deaths led to amendments to the Dowry Act (passed in 1986), but it still did not curb the practice. Dowry deaths bought the great law nearly a decade but unfortunately for its implementation the state was dependent on men whose attitudes about women and their place had not changed. Eventually the facts of violence against women in the form of dowry-related deaths and harassment were mixed with issues of communalism and thus sidelined. Dowry related deaths happen due to many reasons. One of them is the apparent subordinate nature of the bride’s birth family in relation to the matrimonial family as the bridegroom’s family is at a higher level due to the devaluation of women.


  • Fearing slander or losing respect in the community, most families of the bride demand dowry so that their daughter does not return them in disgrace. Despite all the legislative changes brought about by the movements of various women’s groups, the dowry system and related violence still continues.



aspects of violence against women


  • Briefly present some key findings on the extent of violence reported by women and their differences according to their background characteristics and the region they live in. Compared to women aged 15 to 24, a greater proportion of older women experience violence throughout their lives. A higher percentage of rural women (36%) were victims of violence than women living in urban areas (28%), and a greater proportion of women with little or no education experienced violence than their educated sisters . Only 14% of women with 12 or more years of schooling reported experiencing violence, compared to 44% of illiterate women. Violence was reported by a higher percentage of currently married women (37.4%) than unmarried women (16.1%). But 66% of divorced, separated or abandoned women reported experiencing physical violence. Violence was more prevalent among women belonging to scheduled castes and tribes (39–42%) than those belonging to upper castes (27%). Violence was also inversely related to the wealth index.


  • Violence against women varies greatly between states. In the relatively backward states of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Bihar, more than 40% of women aged 15 to 49 have experienced physical or sexual violence. Interestingly, among the larger states, the percentage in West Bengal, Uttar Pradesh and Ta

was only slightly less. On the other hand, in states like Himachal Pradesh, Kerala and Karnataka, less than 20% of women have experienced violence. It appears that rather than the economic development of an area, it is attitudes toward women, social norms and perceptions of their worth and status in the household, and men’s self-esteem that influence husband’s behavior as better or worse. Affects for the worse. Despite these differences, it is important



  • Note that one in five women in the wealthiest group and one in seven women with 12 or more years of education reported experiencing violence within the home, almost always by a spouse.


  • Relatively high percentage of Tamil women reported violence as compared to many other states and this is noteworthy. An in-depth study conducted in the slums of Chennai, the capital of Tamil Nadu, reported that men believed that women should be disciplined. They required their wives to be chaste, submissive, respectful, and accepting of their imperfections (Go et al 2003). Wife beating was condoned in order to ensure that women behaved themselves and remained under the control of men. According to NFHS-2, while 21% of ever-married women in the country said they had experienced violence in their lifetime, Tamil Nadu’s percentage was 40, the highest in the country (IIPS and ORC-Macro, Tamil Nadu, 2001). According to NFHS-3, almost the same percentage (39%) of Tamil women reported experiencing physical or sexual violence.


  • In addition, acceptance of violence as justified behavior was also higher in Tamil Nadu. According to NFHS-2, across the country, about 56% of ever-married women said it was justified by their husbands to beat them if they failed to perform certain duties, such as respecting or taking care of their in-laws Children and Home. In Tamil Nadu, 72% of women accepted violence as a justifiable act, attesting to the widespread gender disparity there (Kishore and Gupta 2004). According to NFHS-3, almost two out of three Tamil women agreed that it was okay for husbands to beat their wives in some situations. An in-depth exploration of the acceptance of domestic violence by Tamil Nadu women would help in understanding the cultural and social norms governing marital relations in Tamil society. However, no such behavioral guidelines or restrictions apply to men in any Indian society.



  • Husbands exercise control over their wives by clearly indicating how they should behave. In the NFHS-3, ever-married women were asked for information on six specific situations: whether the husband gets jealous or angry when he talks to other men; whether the husband accused her of being unfaithful; whether the husband will not allow them to meet their female friends; whether the husband tried to limit contact with his birth family; Has the husband insisted on knowing where they are at all times; And didn’t the husband trust her with the money. These conditions reflected various dimensions of women’s lives, ranging from economic independence and mobility to the freedom to interact with friends and men who knew them without suspicion. While many women may not personally accept such controlling behavior, their inability to accept or reject it shows that they are not empowered even within their marital home.


  • Women’s responses, classified by their background characteristics, are presented in Table 1. Slightly more than a quarter of ever-married women reported that their husbands (or ex-husbands if respondents were not currently married) became angry or jealous if they talked to other men. Some micro-studies have also reported this control behavior to be quite widespread in several states of India (Jain et al 2004; Visaria 2000). Husbands also show their anger or displeasure when women allegedly talk to their brothers, cousins or other male relatives from their native villages, or neighborhood in case of urban areas. A married woman having a male friend or visitor is almost blasphemous and becomes a subject of gossip not only in rural areas but also in many urban settings. A large proportion of young, recently married women in rural areas, those with little or no education, those from poor households, and those who are divorced or separated, are at the wrath of their husbands (or ex-husbands) for this matter. copes with better. Educated older women or urban women. The logic seems to be that women’s behavior should be checked when they are young and so that they learn to behave according to social or family norms (i.e. not to be acquainted with or befriend other men).


  • Husbands’ anger, jealousy or suspicion sometimes manifest in accusations that the wife is unfaithful or having illicit relations with other men. About 9% of women reported that they were frequently accused of being unfaithful. Again, the differences were in the same direction as with jealousy. About 12% of the women’s husbands insisted that they knew where their wives were at all times. This desire to know the every movement of their wives, to a large extent,

Arises from the desire not to see other men or talk to others about family problems. Less educated young women, women living in rural areas and women from lower wealth groups who were divorced, separated or remarried suffered more than other categories of women.


  • In addition, about 16% of women reported that they were not even allowed to meet female friends. In areas or communities where exogamy is practiced and marriages are arranged by parents or other elders, women are not always more familiar with their place of origin or the areas near their marital home. The restriction imposed on women to interact with other women known to them is a very harsh control measure. About 10% of women also reported that their husbands tried to limit their contacts with members of their birth family. This is manifested by women not being allowed to meet their birth family unless it is absolutely necessary, or not welcoming their family members, or showing displeasure when they visit.


  • When women are married to men from the same village or town, they may feel more independent or find ways to meet or interact with their family members without being seen. But when distance is a factor, this restrictive or controlling behavior has a detrimental effect on women, mainly because they have no opportunity to share their problems with family members or those close to them.


  • Denying even a modicum of economic independence, especially to women who do not have any other source of income, is another controlling practice. This leads husbands to say that women cannot be trusted with money, meaning they do not know how to spend money judiciously. More than 18% of married women indicated that their husbands do not trust them with money. This controlling behavior is expressed by asking women to explain how each rupee is spent and to spend some if the husband considers unnecessary. Background characteristics hardly made a difference in the case of this controlling behavior, which stems from the general belief that women are not careful about what they spend money on.


  • The NFHS-3 estimated that 12% of women reported three or more controlling behaviors by their husbands. The differences were not significant when background characteristics were taken into account, except that women from poorer families encountered more controlling behavior than those from better-off families. Instead of grouping any three types of controlling behaviours, it would be interesting to group three types of behavior that lead husbands to suspect and mistrust their wives when they interact with other men, even their male relatives. deal with. In a sense, this type of behavior undermines the very foundation of the marital relationship.


  • Interestingly, there was little difference between women belonging to different socio-economic groups in terms of restrictions on meeting female friends and handling money. The former controlling behavior stems from the fear that women will share news about family matters that husbands or in-laws do not want outsiders to know. The underlying fear is that women may do this until their loyalty to their in-laws’ family is established. Therefore, young women, even educated women, are not trusted.


  • Table 1 also shows that 57% of women reported that their husbands do not exhibit any such typical controlling behaviour, which means that their husbands trust them. In contrast, 43% of women reported that their husbands displayed at least one type of controlling behavior, and were asked about their opinion of this. As expected, the extent of confidence was higher in older women (some





  • those of whom may feel more control over their behavior when they are young; With the passage of time, they gain the trust of their husbands and in-laws), among better educated women and those belonging to better homes.


  • The extent of violence experienced by women based on certain characteristics of husband and selected indicators of women’s empowerment was also examined. The data presented in Table 2 shows that a higher proportion of husbands who perpetrate violence (physical, sexual or emotional) on their wives are either illiterate or less educated as compared to better educated husbands. Yet, women’s education is much more closely related to violence than men’s education. One in four men with 12 or more years of schooling used violence against their wives, but only 15% of women with the same level of education reported being subjected to violence by their husbands. It is only education after 12 years of schooling that empowers women and acts as a protective factor. Furthermore, as is evident in Table 2, women who have the same level of education as their husband are more likely to be victims of physical or sexual violence than women who do not.

Women are less likely to be illiterate or less educated than their husbands.


  • Drinking is significantly associated with both physical and sexual violence. Seven out of 10 drunk men abuse their wives, compared to three out of 10 non-drinkers. Also, a quarter of men who are under the influence of alcohol commit sexual violence against their wives. The combination of sexual desire and alcohol increased women’s risk of violence if they refused sex. A study conducted in South India indicated that the consumption of alcohol by the husband significantly increases the risk of wife abuse (Rao 1997). Another study from Karnataka reported that alcohol consumption by husbands was found to be significantly associated with violence, independent of caste and economic status (Krishnan 2005). Moderate to high alcohol consumption by men definitely increases the likelihood of violence against women.


  • In addition, 81% of men who displayed all five or six controlling behaviors reported physical or sexual violence against their wives. Two out of five men who exercised high levels of marital control also sexually abused their spouses. Controlling behaviors stem from a lack of trust in women and lead to violence against them.


  • To understand women’s participation in household decision-making, the NFHS-3 asked women whether they considered decisions on their own health, major household purchases, purchases for daily household needs, and visits to their families and relatives. participated in. If women did not participate in any of these decisions, they received a score of zero. Those who participated in one or two decisions were viewed as moderately empowered and those who had a voice in three or all four decisions were viewed as highly empowered. As is evident in Table 2, there is no clear correlation between empowerment and the prevalence of violence. This contradicts the expectation that women who participate in household decisions, and therefore practice egalitarian gender-role behaviour, are less likely to experience violence.


  • On the other hand, 42-44% of women indicated that wife-beating was justified in any one of the six situations in which they themselves were the recipient of physical or sexual violence, while 30% of women said that in any situation There is no excuse for violence. Overall, well-educated women and women in marital relationships where husbands did not display controlling behavior were most likely to avoid violence.





Intergenerational Effects


  • In NFHS-3, ever-married women were asked whether their mothers were beaten by their fathers. Responses to this reveal the extent to which young girls who witness parental violence consciously or unconsciously accept violence as a part of their married life. The data presented in Table 3 show that two-thirds of women who knew that their mothers were beaten by their fathers experienced some form of violence at the hands of their husbands. For nearly 60%, the violence was physical or sexual. Probability of children who have witnessed parental violence
  • When they grow up they have a similar effect on their spouse and this is a cause for concern. A third of women who said they had not witnessed any violence with a parent also reported being victims of violence by their husbands. It is likely that some of the women who said they did not know, or did not know, about parental violence were reluctant to disclose what happened between their parents.


  • Husbands who witnessed their fathers beating their mothers as children were 4.7 times more likely to beat their wives, according to a large study conducted in Uttar Pradesh to understand the behavior of men and were three times more likely to have sex with them than men. such violence was not observed (Koenig et al 2006). Martin et al (2002) showed that witnessing violence between one’s parents while growing up is a significant risk factor for perpetrating violence against one’s partner in adulthood. Compared to men raised in nonviolent homes, men from violent homes were significantly more likely to believe in their wives’ authority to control and physically and sexually abuse them. The study also showed that nonviolence in the previous generation was a strong predictor of nonviolence in the second generation.


  • Although the NFHS-3 only includes one question on the intergenerational impact of domestic violence, this is an area that needs further exploration in depth. The impact of witnessing violence on children’s brains, the internalization of prevailing norms related to violence, the subsequent behavior and rationalization of that behavior, all need to be addressed while addressing the issue of violence and examining ways to break the cycle of violence. .




 Help-seeking behavior


  • In the NFHS-3, all women who reported physical or sexual violence were asked a series of questions about whether they had sought help to end the violence. Women who said they had sought help were asked from whom they sought help. In addition, those who reported that they had not sought any help were also asked whether they

Took Mr. into confidence and shared his plight with him. Table 4 shows some of the data classified according to background characteristics of the women. Only one in four women (23.8%) sought help to end the violence they experienced. Two out of three women neither sought help nor told anyone (family members or friends) about the violence they faced.


  • The most surprising thing is that there is really no difference between telling others about the violence or asking for help,
  • Neither education nor family wealth act as protective factors in this regard. In fact, better educated women and women belonging to families with better economic status were not more likely to share their experience of violence with others.



  • Women who experienced sexual violence were even more reticent about talking about it to others or seeking help. Other nuanced and in-depth studies (Visaria 2000 and Visaria 2002) have reported silence around violence in general and sexual violence in particular. This is to be understood in the context of women trying to maintain the honor of the family by not telling what happened inside the household, as well as the shame associated with being mistreated by someone they know and share with. should also be understood in the context of the spirit of Intimate or marital relationship.


  • In such a situation, to whom do the battered women ask for support? This question was asked to ever-married women in NFHS-3. Most women who experienced violence and sought help reported that they did so from their birth family; 71% turned to their parents and other family members for support. About 30% sought help from husband’s families. 7 Neighbors 15% and 9% friends. At times, neighbors witness the violence and sometimes join in in an attempt to defuse the situation. Hardly any women chose to report cases of violence to formal organizations or authorities, perhaps because they feared being ostracized and shamed by the communities in which they live. The fear that they will be blamed for inciting husbands to use violence is all too real. This is the reality of Indian society that women who call



  • Be prepared to face a long and humiliating battle with little sympathy from the authorities or family members and even the media, to dare to challenge their abusers in a court of law or seek the support of social service organizations . Interviewing women victims of abuse in New Delhi, Prasad (1999) demonstrated that the legal system and procedures designed to increase women’s access to the law actually hinder it, and that the state fails to respond to domestic and sexual violence. Shows tolerance.





  • Examining the widespread acceptance of marital violence among Tamil Nadu women would help understand the prevalent cultural and social norms that govern marital relations in Tamil society.


  • Violence against women through cyberspace


  • Cyber Detection and Images


  • New technologies enable a breach of the boundaries of “physical” or “real” identity, and in these fluid spaces, individuals form new relationships and networks, creating new and often times, multiple identities. These identities become essential to understanding social relations in cyberspace, and as a result, relations that can be abusive and violent. Entry into anonymity and new self-expressive identities may not necessarily overlap, with the former not necessarily bound by the same social context or rules that the latter may operate.


  • Images, especially of women, have immense currency in the digital space, due to their widespread and easy access. In this context, the reach of the porn industry is unprecedented both in terms of audience and exploitation, perpetuated mostly through images of willing and unwilling women. In the Indian context, images on the Internet or through mobile telephones are often used by stalkers to defame, intimidate and harass women on-line and off-line. For example, women who have been raped are often re-victimised when photographs of their rape are recorded • and used against them to perpetuate the cycle of violence. Similarly, photographs of rape are often released online to further intimidate and silence female victims. The sophistication of new techniques enables the creation of morphing and simulated images or videos that are often perceived as “real” and “authentic”. The Internet is seen as a masculine space (mainly used by and for heterosexual men). This has many implications for women’s participation in cyberspace. For example, in the case of doctored images posted on extremely violent pornographic sites, the violence would not only be contained within the digital space, but actually extend to the loss of freedoms • that the Internet provides to women.


  • If women voluntarily engage in sexual acts online, they can still be booked under ITA 2000, because

Because the consent of the parties involved is not considered. The only provision considering consent is in the case of images taken through phones. th



  • Loopholes in the law also relate to • the ownership of images. For example, if a woman has consented to have her photographs taken but does not want them to be publicised, the debates are about what rules of ownership are involved, and how these rules of ownership can be legislated and enforced. Is? Such issues are particularly relevant in the context of the queer movement in India, where the Internet has provided sexual minorities with a visible and vibrant space to communicate and network.


  • Policy choices need to avoid narratives of fear about new technologies that can effectively constrain women’s freedom to use digital space. There is a tendency to describe women victims of cybercrime in the name of safety and security as “emotionally vulnerable or unstable” and prevalent paternalism in policies, implementing-institutions, and the justice system that restrict women’s freedom online . There is an urgent need to create a comprehensive dialogue around the interface of technology with the institutions of culture, family and marriage, sexuality, the body, privacy and freedom of expression.





Changing Public Sector


  • The discourse on the misuse of technology to perpetrate violence against women is undoubtedly a useful point of departure for opening up feminist technologies, but it is only a partial one and, therefore, insufficient. 
  • New strategies to understand the totality of the relationship between ICT, gender and development. Feminist constructions require a broader kaleidoscope that problematizes “digital personhood”, and the ways in which such personhood • is gendered in the digital space. This has implications not only for debates around the privacy and anonymity of women on the Internet, but also for the examination of ontological changes in empowered digital spaces. Feminist interpretations of new ICTs also demand a rigorous unveiling of the regulatory structures and processes through which patriarchal and patriarchal discourses are reproduced, and challenged, even in digital spaces – for example, womanhood, modesty How notions of shame, honor are reconstructed. Architecture in relation to digital space and how these given categories can be transformed. Essentially, an institutional-relational analysis is of fundamental value in formulating a gender and ICT dialogue. Such an analysis, using the “information society” lens, would outline a new techno-social reality where relationships and institutions are being reconfigured.


  • Gender and development theory, overall, views ICTs as tools that can be used or misused. But the transformational social paradigm of the information society needs to be clearly understood from the technological artifacts that represent this revolutionary change. The meaning of social change in the contemporary context lies in the changing public sphere, an analysis of various phenomena that may provide new avenues for feminist inquiry. The slippage between the private and the public that has come to radically reconfigure the spatiality of social transaction and communication that characterizes contemporary life, disproves the basic concepts of feminist thought around the public and the private. For example, private communication on the Internet actually takes place on platforms that are essentially public (such as chat rooms or Facebook). On the one hand, concerns about digital threats arise as a result of the ambiguous nature of spatial boundaries defining relationships in the information society. And on the other hand, it is the transformative nature of these slippages that allow new types of people to gather • ephemerally, which may redefine the meaning of social protest (as we saw in SMS-based protest court verdict in the Jessica Lal murder case) and for building global communities of solidarity. So how can we understand the changing public sector?


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  • Furthermore, corporatized governance regimes in the digital space – such as Facebook Inc., which defines the rules and norms of the Facebook social networking space – not only represent contradictions to what we know as an egalitarian Internet, but It has also been reorganized socially and legally. Loud speech. As an example of this growing trend of influence, recently, Google disallowed ads for abortion clinics in several countries, some of which do not prohibit abortion. A more grassroots, Southern information society perspective would lead us to an important insight: that the “non-users” of new ICTs are affected by the changing institutional-systems as much as the “users”. In emerging institutional arrangements that have been scaffolded by ICTs, networked societies create new exclusions that can exacerbate the structural disadvantages of those on the periphery, while consolidating the power of local elite, authoritarian states.
  • Ta aur abhivyakti ke and the international grip of corporate capitalism. Thus women’s access to ICT is not only a question of access to the tools that

They may be appropriated for personal change, but more importantly, their disenfranchisement in the new global polity where voice and participation and enjoyment of multiple rights depend on their digital means. Citizenship.






 A Feminist Response


  • How can feminist analysis shape policy frameworks regarding ICTs? New ICTs offer fundamental options for empowerment and new avenues for citizenship, especially for marginalized women. For example, with regard to the Right to Information Act (RTI) or the National Rural • Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA), information • catalyzes a push for ICT-supported architectures


  • Institutional transparency and accountability. Yet, as development interventions increasingly adopt ICTs to democratize information, the technical architectures supporting these processes must also provide safeguards for privacy. Policies relating to the information society must address both negative and positive rights, protect individual privacy, and protect and advance women’s rights, while enabling the highest transparency in government. At the same time, the protection of women’s rights to information and communication emphasizes the need to balance concerns of self-expression with concerns of protection from exploitation. While there is no doubt that policies are needed to address online violence, the limits of state involvement in effecting such protection become important. While the government should be able to prosecute those involved in violence against women, the right to surveillance in general without sufficient grounds is likely to violate women’s privacy. The state’s duty to intervene and prosecute violence online should not be used as an excuse for surveillance on the Internet. Thus, policy approaches need to recognize women’s “public”, political rights as well as “private”, individual rights, especially in the context of violence against women.







 Neoliberal Approach


  • Overall, ICT policies in developing countries, including India, have adopted a neoliberal, market view of ICTs and their default definition as market infrastructure, thus marginalizing the ‘larger social • importance’ of ICTs. has put. Therefore, we find that existing legal and policy frameworks generally address the ICT “economy”. As pointed out before the consultation proceedings, attacks against a person’s image or private life are still not viewed as a cybercrime4 in many countries including India. Since most violations involving online sexual content are directed against women, the gap in policy and law implicitly compromises women’s rights.


  • In addition, new technologies are being employed by the sex industry not only to create more violent forms of pornographic • graphic material, but they are also actively used to circumvent the law; Companies only locate servers in countries where they will not be prosecuted. The absence of a global governance framework with respect to ICTs (and as discussed, usurpation of technology governance by corporates) is often to the disadvantage of developing countries. Against the backdrop of poor institutional maturity of legal and policy processes in relation to the realities of the information society, the implications of such a governance deficit are clear. The lack of territorial jurisdiction over the Internet makes it difficult for countries in the developing • world to identify abusers and prosecute the guilty. For example, lack of cooperation from foreign websites is one of the many obstacles in solving cybercrime cases.


  • One of the greatest challenges to a strong feminist response to issues of violence against women and ICTs is the fact that feminist analytical frameworks must respond to the advent of new information and communication technologies • The restructuring of gender relations to accommodate changing realities have to be addressed from Piecemeal efforts to tinker with policy domains such as employment, education or crime may fail to add up to a concerted national response to the opportunities and challenges presented by new technologies, particularly to transformative change that marginalises the privileged. Let’s keep Also, feminist engagement with policies needs to approach rights from the vantage of alternative ICT discourse. Policies are needed to promote appropriate technologies that create a safe and secure online space. Feminist engagement with such policies is part of the imperative that can and should shape the emerging technological paradigm. By far the most urgent feminist response is to stop viewing the digital and online space as a separate sphere confined to technology users, but a
  • Important • Location of power that requires feminist intervention.




  • Feminist thought about technology ties together certain lines of inquiry – the exploration of identity, subjectivity, and the complex representation of the self; Critique of technology and globalization, and gender identity

, the relation between the body and the will. From theoretical efforts that have examined the ways that new technologies reshape dominant taxonomies and categories of gender and sexuality (Stanley 1995), and identity (Harraway 1990), to critiques of capitalism that address women’s embodied and implicit experiences Presents in the context of the problem. Globalization and the information society (Bredotti 1994), new fields of inquiry (or rather, new performances of a contemporary feminist grand theory) have urged a deconstruction of thinking that can bring together the symbolic and the material in the interpretation of current realities. These developments are no doubt exciting, but they also demand a grounding in Third World feminist practice. In the emerging techno-social milieu of the Third World, the “disturbing” of given categories is particularly important to discourses of resistance, agency, and empowerment. Southern feminist interpretations – a reimagining of the female techno-social subject – are, therefore, important to appropriate the emancipatory content of the emerging techno-paradigm and to interrogate its patriarchal and capitalist systems, institutions and representations.


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