Atrocities on women

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Atrocities on women


  • There are different forms of crime against women. Sometimes, it starts even before their birth, sometimes in adulthood and other phrases of life. In Indian society, the position of a woman is always considered in relation to a man since birth and she is dependent on a man at every stage of life. This belief has given rise to various social customs and practices. An important manifestation of these customs and practices has been the practice of Sati. It is seen as the pinnacle of achievement for a woman. This practice of self-immolation of a widow on her husband’s funeral pyre was a centuries-old practice in some parts of the Kingdom, which attained divinity. The popular belief was that the goddess enters the body of a woman who takes a vow to become a sati. The practice of sati was abolished by law in the early decades of the nineteenth century at the initiative of Raja Ram Mohan Roy. However, in the last few decades there has been a significant resurgence of the practice of sati.


  • Male violence against women is a worldwide phenomenon. Although every woman

may not have experienced, and many do not expect, but fear of violence is a significant factor in most women’s lives. It determines what they do, when they do it, where they do it and with whom they do it. Fear of violence is one of the reasons for women’s lack of participation in activities outside and inside the home. Within the home, women and girls may be subjected to physical and sexual abuse as punishment or in the form of culturally appropriate attacks. These actions shape their outlook on life and their expectations of themselves


  • Violence against women inside and outside the home has been an important issue in contemporary Indian society. Women in India constitute almost half of the population and most of them are grinding under the socio-cultural and religious structures. From time immemorial, the social, economic, political and religious fabric of India has been controlled by one gender.


  • The condition of widows is one of the most neglected social issues in India. Widowhood diminishes the quality of life of many Indian women. Three percent of all Indian women are widows, and on average, elderly widows have an 86 percent higher death rate than married women of the same age group. Various studies indicate that (i) legal rights of widows are violated, (ii) they face forced social isolation, (iii) they have limited freedom to marry, and (iv) limited employment for widows. (v) Most of the widows have very little financial support from their family or community.


  • It is common to read news everyday about violations or wrongdoings done on women. Our conservative society is so prejudiced by age-old habits and customs that a victim woman, whether forced or coerced, has no place in the society.


  • Another danger in India is that Indian law does not differentiate between major and minor rape. Of every ten rape cases, six are of minor girls. There is a crime against women every seven minutes in India. A woman is molested every 26 minutes. There is a rape every 34 minutes. There is a sexual assault incident every 42 minutes. Every 43 minutes a woman is kidnapped. And every 93 minutes a woman is burnt to death for dowry. One-quarter of reported rapes involve girls under 16, but most cases are never reported. Although fines are severe, convictions are rare.



  • Max Radin defined dowry as property that a man receives at the time of marriage from his wife or her family. Dowry can be broadly defined as the gifts and valuables received at the wedding by the bride, groom and her relatives. The amount of dowry is governed by factors such as the service and salary of the boy, the social and economic status of the girl’s father, the social standing of the boy’s family, the educational qualifications of the girl and the boy, whether the girl works and her salary, the beauty of the girl and the boy. Is. and characteristics, future prospects of economic security, size and composition of the girl’s and boy’s family and such factors. The special thing is that the girl’s parents not only give her money and gifts at the time of her marriage but also keep giving gifts to her husband’s family throughout her life. McKim Marriott believes that the sentiment behind this is that the daughter and sister at the time of marriage become helpless to a foreign kinship group and that lavish hospitality is offered to her in-laws from time to time to secure her good treatment. Should be known



  • One of the reasons for dowry is the desire and aspiration of every parent to get their daughter married in a high and prosperous family so that it can maintain its prestige and also prove comfort and security to the daughter. Higher marriage-market prices for boys belonging to families of wealth and high social status increased the amount of dowry.


  • Another reason for the existence of dowry is that giving dowry is a social practice and it is very difficult to change the customs suddenly. The feeling is that the practice of rituals generates and strengthens solidarity and harmony among people. Many people give and take dowry because their parents and forefathers have been practicing dowry. The practice has stereotyped the age-old dowry system and people will stick with it until some rebellious youth gathers the courage to end it and girls resist societal pressures to give it.


  • Among Hindus, marriage within the same caste and sub-caste is determined by social and religious practices, as a result of which the choice of selecting a partner is always restricted. This results in a dearth of young boys who have promising careers in high paying jobs or professions. They become scarce commodities and their parents demand huge sums of money from the girl’s parents to accept her as their daughter-in-law, as girls and property have to be bargained for. However, their disadvantage is further compounded by the practice of marriage within the same caste.


  • Some people give more dowry just to show their high social and economic status. For example, Jains and Rajputs spend lakhs of rupees on their daughters’ weddings, just to show off their high status.

or to maintain their reputation in the society, even if they have to borrow money.


  • The most important reason for taking dowry by the groom’s parents is that they have to give dowry to their daughters and sisters. Naturally, they look to their sons’ dowries to fulfill their obligations in finding husbands for their daughters. For example, a person who may be against the dowry system is forced to take fifty to sixty thousand rupees in cash in dowry as he has to spend the same amount in the marriage of his sister or daughter. The vicious cycle ensues and the amount of dowry keeps on increasing till it reaches a scandalous proportion.





domestic violence


  • An alarming finding from the World Development Report states that globally rape and domestic violence accounts for nearly 5% of the burden on women aged 15-44. The term domestic violence is preferred to family violence. A physical act, frightening event, or violent abuse can result in a variety of symptoms known as posttraumatic stress disorder. Evidence continues to show that the effects of these disorders can often be much greater and last much longer than the task or event itself. There is little information available in the form of books or academic essays on the whole issue of violence against women, despite the silence about non-physical acts of aggression such as verbal abuse and denial of food, education and care. While the statistics and reports provided by official sources and the media reinforce the view that this form of gender violence is becoming a feature of daily life in contemporary India, it is still in its infancy in research. Furthermore, about half of what is available pertains to violence within the family.


  • Why is social differentiation and social stratification along sex lines a constant feature of social life? There are two conflicting sociological interpretations. Some give a cultural argument. These people, encouraged by women’s emancipators, attributed learning to all but the most obvious physical differences between the sexes. If Russian women, the argument goes, can load box cars and be doctors, why are these considered strange occupations for women in other cultures? Thus, the most important difference between men and women lies in their cultural heritage. Opposing these environmentalists are those who argue that the basic sexual division of labor (women working in the home, men working outside the home) finds its origin in inevitable biological facts.
  • It is difficult for women to translate their learned interests in things like dolls, fashion, and homemaking into the skills they need to succeed in business, government, or the professions. It is infinitely easier for men to transition into the world of work because their many sporting activities—cowboys, astronauts, and sports—prepare them for the “man’s world.” As a result, many women never question their traditional social positions, some consciously choose marriage rather than employment, and others find the barriers to professional achievement in traditionally male positions too high and long. The socio-psychological cost of fighting is very high.
  • Yet, in advanced industrialized countries, an increasing proportion of women are working outside the home. Because of this, discrimination against women in the labor market becomes more significant. A very small percentage of women reach higher levels in their professional lives. It is true that women have made significant legal gains.
  • There are many reasons for this disparity between the sexes. First, women may choose marriage and family because their cultural background tells them it is the right path, or the difficulties they face while competing with men may lead them to go down this path. Second, despite strong currents of emancipation for women, they still have to give birth to children. Furthermore, they are still expected to handle their primary responsibility – the home – before pursuing a career. Attempting to strike a balance, both put women at an disadvantage. Third, because women may stop working




  • Withering away for marriage or other family responsibilities;


  • Employers are discouraged from placing them in responsible positions and investing money and training time in them. After all, it is primarily men who hire, fire, and reward women. of course, cultural
  • Derived biases often cause men to evaluate and reward women on grounds unrelated to merit and performance. However it should be kept in mind that these are the current rules of the game; The future shows that autonomy is not destiny ((Sheppard: 1974)
  • Carroll Gilligan developed an analysis of gender differences based on adult women’s and men’s images of themselves and their achievements (Gilligan: 1982). Women, she argues with Chodorow (1978), define themselves in terms of personal relationships, and judge their achievements in terms of their ability to care for others. traditional place of women in men’s life

It is more of a caregiver and friend. But the qualities developed in these pursuits are often devalued by men, who see their emphasis on personal achievement as the only form of ‘success’. Worrying about relationships on the part of women is often seen as a weakness rather than a strength.


  • Gilligan conducted several in-depth interviews with nearly two hundred American women and men of varying ages and social backgrounds. He asked all the interviewees a series of questions related to their moral attitudes and self-concept. There were frequent differences between the views of women and men. For example, interviewees were asked: ‘What does it mean to say something is morally right or wrong?’ While men answered this question by referring to the abstract ideals of duty, justice, and personal freedom, women consistently raised the theme of helping others. Given the potential conflicts between following a strict moral code and avoiding harm to others, women were more tentative in their moral judgments than men. Gilligan suggests that this approach reflects the traditional position of women. Based on caring relationships rather than the ‘out-and-out’ attitude of men, women have in the past deferred to the judgments of men, even though they know they possess qualities that most men lack. Their view of themselves is based on successfully meeting the needs of others rather than on taking pride in personal achievement.




  • This silence, in Patricia Oberoi’s opinion, is explained by a certain reluctance to subject the family and its intimate relationships to scrutiny. Also, if there is any data base on the nature and kind of violence that occurs behind closed doors, it has been largely formed. Because of the women’s movement and the activities of NGOs in the police. Patricia Oberoi believes that although the family is also a site of exploitation and violence, sociologists avoid issues of social pathology, at least in relation to the family.


  • The family being a cultural norm and the focus of identity, its inviolability as an institution is reaffirmed by an environment that limits interaction and discourse between professional academics and activists. The situation is compounded by the fact that family concerns with propriety, dignity and reputation make it difficult for researchers who are interested in investigating violence within the household to gain access to those who pose as victims. it happens. A large percentage of available data on violence against women finds the family as a major cause of victimization and subsequent poor health and loss of identity. There is no doubt that marriage and family are essential stressors leading to mental illness in Indian women.


  • Violence is usually an act of aggression in interpersonal contact or relationships. It can also be aggression of a woman towards herself such as suicide, self-mutilation, neglect of diseases, sex determination texts, denial of food etc. Indian scholars in the field of women’s studies have emphasized the dynamics of power and powerlessness involved in a violent act. It is a coercive mechanism to assert one’s will over another in order to prove or feel a sense of power.


  • Perpetuation of violence by the powerless in retaliation against those in power against the powerless or coercion by others to deny their powerlessness. Govind Kelkar places violence against women in the socio-economic and political context of power relations. According to him, the idea that violence is an act of illegal criminal force is insufficient and must include forms of exploitation, discrimination, maintaining unequal economic and social structures, creating a climate of terror, threats or retaliation, and religio-cultural forms. and political violence. This definition of violence finds relevance in a hierarchical society based on exploitative gender relations. Violence often becomes a tool to socialize family members according to prescribed norms of behavior within the overall perspective of male dominance and control. Physical violence as well as less overt forms of aggression are used as ways to ensure their obedience.


  • The female body is both an object of desire and control at every stage of the life cycle. Women in most parts of India enter an already structured world as strangers, which generates its own tensions and conflicts in the loyalties and commitments of men already concerned. According to M. S. Gore, the two main causes of tension in the joint family are the difficulty in socializing the female members in developing a strong marital bond and developing a community outlook and sense of identity with the family groups. Conflicting identities are particularly important in the current context for understanding the external dynamics of a group united by blood and living with other families.


  • Arguing that the family, more than the caste system, is responsible for reproducing inequalities within society, Andre Beteille feels that the entire family, despite a number of psychological failings, can pass on its cultural and social capital to its younger members. Works towards delivery. this inequality a family

Embedded in an oppressive framework of ideology committed to an age and gender hierarchy that operates within a household. who will

  • Access to which scarce resource of capital is thus determined by gender as well as the age of the family member.


  • Girls are often the victims of such discrimination as families develop coping mechanisms over the sharing of resources. There is discrimination and violence at all levels, especially against girls and later women of the household, be it at birth or in marriage. Marriage is considered universally necessary for a girl in India regardless of class, caste, religion and ethnicity as the control of her sexuality and its safe transfer into the hands of her husband is of prime importance. The persistence of a dominant family ideology that links a strict sexual division of labor and age and gender hierarchies means that young wives have to invest considerable time and energy in forming new relationships, not all of which are caring or benevolent. are not. These take precedence over all other relationships in the house of birth. It is a common saying that a girl is someone else’s money or someone else’s money. It not only establishes the notion of belonging but also that a girl child is wealth that belongs elsewhere.


  • In marriage traditions the bride is a vehicle for the passage of valuables from her kin to her husband. The unequal nature of marital relations sanctified by the exchange of significant gifts, rituals and expectations set the parameters for later intra-family behavior patterns. Within this framework of matrimonial and conjugal relations many women try to carve out a space for themselves to assert their individuality. This often leads to intra-couple discord over roles and the woman’s search for her own identity.


  • An important part of the power relationship between husband and wife and their families related to dowry and its implications. In the Indian context the primacy of structural disparity between the two families and the resulting burden of gift-giving on the bride’s family reinforces the inequality. Madhu Kishwar feels that harassment of wives for bringing insufficient dowry is another pretext for violence against them and that even without the added allure of dowry, inter-caste violence is endemic. The payment of dowry does not in itself turn the girls into a burden, but dowry creates some burden on the daughters because the daughters are unwanted from the beginning. Middle-class parents who are asked to pay lakhs as capitation fees for sons in medical or engineering colleges do not see them as a burden, but set aside a similar amount for daughters’ marriage. Kind of considered.


  • Ranjana Kumari remarked that dowry is inextricably linked with the general status of women in society. According to a survey conducted by her, the dowry-related murders followed two patterns – first young brides were either murdered or forced to commit suicide when their parents yielded to constant dowry demands. refused. Other murders were also carried out on the pretext of complicated family relations. The conflict escalated as young brides refused to bow down to proposals made by father-in-law, uncle-uncle or brother-in-law. There were also cases where wives accused husbands of being impotent. Ranjana Kumari also found that dowry giving and taking is universal across caste, religion and income groups. Its role in promoting violence within the home is significant. The fact remains that dissatisfaction with dowry payment and subsequent appearances leads to exploitation of the wife not only by her husband but also by other relatives.


  • Abuse of wives and wife or wife beating is the most common form of abuse across the world irrespective of class, religion and community and caste background within India. It is not a woman’s dependency that makes her particularly vulnerable, even a wife in a high status job can be beaten. Battered women are also seen as lacking self-esteem and confidence, and as apathetic and nervous. In a detailed discussion of wife abuse, Flavia Agnes refutes the popular myths surrounding the incidence of wife-beating in India, such as that middle-class women are not battered, that the victims of violence are small, fragile, helpless working-class women. And a wife beater is someone who is frustrated in his job, an alcoholic, or aggressive in his relationships.


  • According to the data provided by the organization Saheli it is clear that wife beating was common across all social classes as it is a reflection of the power relationship between a husband and wife which reflects the secondary social status of a woman. However, the pattern of violence varies from class to class, with a slum dweller beating his wife, while a middle class professional physically assaulting his wife is extremely personal in nature. Marital rape is another area that is rarely talked about and discussed in India. This is a common occurrence in most marriages and goes unreported



  • According to Meenakshi Thapan, even in love marriages, women have internalized notions of the perfect female body and femininity, as a result of which they are often oppressed.

are involved in the mechanisms of sexual attraction, especially those aspects related to physical and sexual attraction.

are involved in the mechanisms of sexual attraction, especially those aspects related to physical and sexual attraction.

are implicated in the mechanisms of sexual attraction, especially those aspects that relate to physical and sexual attraction.

It is ironic that the family, which is supposed to be a refuge against all odds, becomes the arena of legitimate physical and mental abuse of women. While the legal and police systems have become more receptive to some excesses, many remain unaccounted for, invisible and repressed.







  • In all societies the difference between men and women has been converted into social discrimination. Sex is used everywhere as a basis for social action. Social differentiation by gender has implications for the stratification structure in general. Although some societies have displayed a reasonable equality between the sexes, the most common historical experience has been the dominance of men over women.


  • Violence is often used as a tool to make family members behave according to prescribed norms and rules and in the overall context of male dominance and control in India. The family and its operational unit – the household are places where suppression and deprivation of individual rights is a part of the structure of consent and obedience. Physical violence as well as other forms of aggression are used to ensure obedience, mostly from married women and children. The term domestic violence is preferred over the term family violence as the former refers to violence within the home or physical space of the home. Domestic violence can be differential treatment of family members based on their gender that can lead to physical impairment or emotional trauma – such as girls with inadequate nutrition, sexual abuse, wife-beating or intimate partner violence in relation to boys even dowry again
  • Delayed abuse, etc. Domestic violence includes the following:
  • • Physical violence including slapping, kicking, beating, hitting, pushing, choking, burning and threats and assault with a weapon.
  • • sexual violence, including sexual assault, sexual harassment, sexual assault and rape;
  • • psychological abuse including humiliation, humiliation, threats, isolation and abandonment;
  • • Financial abuse which includes deprivation of material goods, control of money and control of property.


  • Different forms of domestic violence can exist:


  • 1. Intimate terrorism- This form is almost entirely perpetrated by men and is found in studies of women who suffer long-term abuse and harassment from their husbands.
  • 2. Violent Resistance: The form of violence that some victims of intimate terrorism use to resist the control of their partner.
  • 3. Situational couple violence: It does not come from one partner’s need to exert control over the other, but stems from certain circumstances or situations that lead to tension and conflict.
  • Wife beating is the most common form of abuse across the world, irrespective of class, community and religion and even caste background. It has been argued that it is not only a woman’s dependency that makes her vulnerable to violence, but working women are also subjected to domestic violence. An important feature of intimate partner violence or domestic abuse is that many women do not report or even acknowledge it as abuse. The occasional slap or reprimand is taken for granted as part of being a woman and it is only when the abuse is extremely violent or life-threatening that women seek help. There is a wide tolerance for wife-beating and certain reasons are also considered to be justifiable- eg, disobedience, neglect of domestic duties etc. That’s when the Delhi-based organization Saheli came out with its findings that wife-beating was common across social classes. The difference was in the pattern of violence that was followed by the different classes. For example, the beating of a woman in a slum was witnessed by all the residents, whereas the beating of a middle-class wife was secret and suppressed.
  • Marital rape is another form of violence under the umbrella of domestic violence and it is a very quiet topic. Like child rape, marital rape is also under-reported and women mostly don’t talk about it. So far, India has not passed any law to include rape as an issue within marriage. This is an extreme form of sexual abuse.
  • From the 1980s, feminists developed new organizations and new institutions, inspired by endemic violence against women. Till now, violence against women was not a new topic or phenomenon that arose during the colonial period. It was present in pre-colonial India as well with reports of dowry death and sati or widow sacrifice, but whenever feminists raised these issues, they were repurposed to serve some or the other male political agenda. I went. Sati became not a women’s issue but a religious issue. During the freedom struggle, whenever women raised the issue of domestic violence, they were asked to focus on the nationalist struggle, and after independence, women were asked to give priority to nation building.
  • Initially, domestic violence cases were plagued by poor legislation and slow litigation. Police viewed domestic violence as a family or ‘private’ matter

She often used her chambers as a place for mediation and conciliation. Such indifference to domestic violence has led to more and more women making false or exaggerated allegations of dowry harassment, as the anti-dowry laws promised legal


  • Action against abusive husbands: Dowry Death Act (Section 498A) and Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act of 2005. Introduction of new law criminalizing violence in the home has been successfully passed. The law does not differentiate between married and unmarried couples and instead focuses on intimate partner violence. One of the more important features of the 2005 Act was to secure the rights of women in-laws in the event of eviction or abandonment. It provides protection against confiscation of her property as well as protection against harassment by the husband towards the wife or her family members. The Act significantly changed the way the public viewed domestic violence (Menon, 2008). It has been the first comprehensive state response to domestic violence and puts the concept of human rights at the heart of gender relations and the family. It redefines the boundaries of privacy and the extent of public interference (Nandi, 2013).











Honor Killings:


  • Honor killing is an act of retribution or retribution, usually committed by a male member of a family against a female member who is believed to have dishonored the family or community. This alleged disrespect may be for one of the following reasons: (1) goi
  • Against cultural norms of dressing and behavior or conduct. (2) wish to end their arranged marriage or enter into a marriage of their own choice, especially an inter-caste marriage; (3) engaging in sexual activity outside marriage; (4) Indulging in non-sexual relations considered inappropriate. Honor-based violence such as acid throwing and honor killings occurs in societies where there are collective notions of honor and shame. Such crimes are usually justified as protection of traditional values and social norms. At the core of these norms is the woman, whose control of sexuality and its gift in marriage is of intrinsic importance to who controls her reproductive and productive labor, which is vital to patriarchal forces. Therefore, honor and shame are often associated with the expected behavior of families and individuals, especially women. In this sense respect revolves around the public perception of individuals rather than their actual behavior. Being the cause of a scandal or the subject of gossip in your community or group usually results in an offense against the honor of your family and extended community.
  • According to Chowdhary (2007), the criteria for arranging marriages in India depend on adherence to prescribed caste, class and other marriage norms. Violation of these norms is not tolerated and provokes violent reaction from the communities. In matters of marriage, the pervasive ideology of patriarchy, kinship and caste is further compounded by the ideology of guardianship of women, i.e. a woman, whether minor or adult, is always under the guardianship, typically of a male guardian—the father. , husband and son. Violation is seen as very dangerous in the ideology of guardianship as it can mean a potential loss of control over a woman’s reproductive and productive labour. The assertion of one’s choice in marriage is seen as an affront to even the most virtuous concepts of modesty and chastity. situations in which


  • Marriages are arranged by senior members of the family, an independent claim or love-marriage disrupts the family hierarchy and power relations within the family as well as the social hierarchy. There is a huge increase in conflict and violence when these individual claims to marriage are inter-caste in nature. The overwhelming concern with ethnic endogamy outweighs all other traditional concerns regarding marriages.
  • In rural areas, most inter-caste marriage alliances are settled at two levels: the immediate family, its kinship network, and/or at the level of the community functioning through the traditional panchayat; and by a state that functions on modern egalitarian principles. community or
  • ‘Fraternity’ functions through open displays of disapproval and through actions such as social and physical ostracism of family and individuals who are perceived to have violated norms and punishment for serious violations In this case, the punishment may increase for violent and public murders that may involve the whole community – such as lynching, burning, hanging, etc. In the case of the state, which operates through local police, these crimes are often ‘ is recorded as a ‘sex offence’, with charges of abduction, abduction and rape on the male- away or eloping couple. The eloped couple thus become fugitives of the state and are chased and on being caught, the girl is usually tortured to implicate her husband as a kidnapper and rapist. The reason why the state apparatus functions in this way is simple – the state apparatus is also made up of people drawn from local areas who hold the views and beliefs of the local community.

have been drawn (Chaudhary, 2007).

  • Contentious marriages and relationships are a reflection of tensions in society. In Chowdhury’s view, such pairings raise unexpected questions against traditional authority, power, legitimacy and law. By expressing their own agency in their acts, they only activate other sources of power as opposed to traditional sources which lead to conflict between traditional and non-traditional sources and in the process lead to violent lash-back from the former. give birth to


  • Despite legislations and state intervention, the notion of family privacy remains prominent among subjects’ attitudes and perceptions. According to the 2009 Monitoring and Evaluation Report, 86% of security officers in Rajasthan and over 50% in Delhi agreed with the statement that ‘domestic violence is a family affair’. These studies, replicated in 2012 by the lawyer’s collective Women’s Rights Initiative and ICRW, have shown that more than half of officers still agree with the statement and also believe that the purpose of counseling under the PWDVA is to save families from breaking up. Despite conciliation and conciliation, the Act states that only and if the court is of the opinion that counseling can end violence and lead to empowerment of the woman, the court should direct counseling (Nandi,



, It becomes clear that even such a law has not infringed on the privacy of the family, but at the same time it is questioning patriarchy in its private sphere by opening the law to include unmarried couples and couples of any gender .


  • In the Indian socio-cultural imagination, the family occupies a special place of personal veneration and idealization that is seen outside the purview of laws and state-led reforms. With years of feminist activism and women’s rights movements, the state finally enacted state-of-the-art laws against domestic violence informed by feminist thought and a human rights perspective but also showed that public regulations can be rendered ineffective by current notions of privacy that Promote and perpetuate a culture of silence on issues of family violence. Part of the reason the institution of the family is still entrenched in a culture of secrecy and intimacy, or that remains outside the purview of public scrutiny, is the high moral, cultural and political stature allotted to the heteronormative family unit, which is protected by law and Perpetually validated by religion. The sources of violence against women lie in personal and secular laws restricting women’s economic rights, socio-culture notions of honor and shame, patriarchy, nationalism, communalism, popular media etc. Change requires a planned push that destabilizes traditional norms and beliefs of identity, power, and hierarchy in the institution of family and community.
  • Power is seen as a central feature of gender relations, and is at the heart of gendered violence. Gender relations do not arise from natural or biological determinism, but are experiential in nature and they are socially and culturally constructed. Therefore, these experiences should include strategies to combat gender-based violence that aim to reverse the internal power structure in gender relations. To do this, the most important thing is to accept the institution of the family/community as a site of violence and violent acts. The state and radical discourse have established the role of women within the family and community, thereby redefining equality as harmony. In this discourse, a woman’s pursuit of identity and rights is seen as selfish and going against the needs of the family, community and nation. It is then important to open up to other discourses that seek women in their own identities and within society, discourses that are based on notions of equality and human rights.
  • Finally, it must be remembered that there is no easy way to answer how laws relating to gender-based violence should be made and enforced. Special legislation also reinforces traditional gender norms and ideas about the privacy of the home. Enacting special laws that apply to the domestic sphere of life can reinforce the notion that the family or home is the domain of women. There is a need for a more constructive analysis of the family in the context of being a social and economic unit rather than taking it at face value and spreading the belief that the family is not beyond the ambit of law and state intervention.



Violence against women in India


  • Social histories and novels in several Indian languages record violence against married women in India, mainly perpetrated by their husbands. Yet, only in the last two decades has there been a systematic attempt to estimate the magnitude of violence, its determinants and causes, the forms in which it manifests, and its health, social, legal and economic consequences.


  • Survey-based studies have indicated that anywhere from 35 to 75% of women in India face verbal, physical or sexual violence from their partners or other men they know (see Jeejeebhoy 1998; Mahajan 1990; Karlekar 1998; Jain et al. al 2004; Visaria 2000). Qualitative in-depth studies have thrown light on several issues such as support-seeking behavior of women,

generational influence, culture of silence, and adherence to social norms • to maintain the honor of the family to tolerate, accept, and even rationalize domestic violence (Hassan 1995; Miller 1992) ; Jaisingh 1995; Koenig et al 2006). However, most of these studies were conducted with small samples and the findings may also be generalized to the states where they were conducted. Also, very few studies have been conducted to examine these issues from the perspective of perpetrators of violence.


  • To overcome this limitation, the Second National Family Health Survey (NFHS-2) conducted in 1998-99 took the bold step of publicizing some questions related to domestic violence at the national level, essentially to assess whether Whether or not women will answer these questions in a large survey. them. The questions were relatively general and sought to measure the prevalence of violence and to understand the situations in which ever-married women justified wife-beating. Respondents were read about six situations where wives violated their traditionally accepted roles or social norms. The women were asked to answer whether their husbands were justified in beating them when they deviated from their alleged “duties”. The success of publicizing these relatively sensitive questions prompted the coordinators and counselors of the 3rd NFHS (2005-06) to publicize an entire module on domestic violence with 25 key questions in addition to wife battering (IIPS and Macro International 2007). inspired.


  • In NFHS-3, two more conditions were added and one was removed from the wife-beating question. Two new situations were arguing with the husband and refusing to have sex with him. A separate module was prepared for situations where the woman’s family did not provide requisite money, jewelery or other items (including dowry) and promoted to only one woman in each household, not to all eligible women having more than one. But. More importantly, the respondents were clearly instructed to respond to the violence module only when they were assured complete confidentiality. Though




  • Background characteristics of female respondents in NFHS-2 and NFHS-3 as well as estimates of lifetime physical violence are available for all states, it would not be prudent to understand the time trend given the variation in the method of data collection.



  • violence against women


  • A significant proportion of women, regardless of socio-economic background, subscribe to power differentials based on sex and accept that men have the right to discipline them, especially when they are involved in tasks such as taking care of the home and children Fail to fulfill gender-specific duties. Or cooking food on time in a way that pleases the husband. Furthermore, women who are beaten or otherwise physically abused tend to justify their husband’s behavior as a way of rationalizing the treatment meted out to them.


  • The supposed subordination of women and dominance of husbands when they are perceived as transgressors from their wifely duties is not unique to India and cuts across cultures and nations. Nonetheless, the experience of violence, or even the threat of violence, and controlling behavior by their husbands lowers women’s self-esteem, instills fear in them, and impairs their ability to perform daily tasks to the satisfaction of family members. and reduces. , controlling behavior that motivates hu
  • Doubting the moral character of their wives and distrusting their behavior with other men, including their male relatives, undermines the foundation on which a marital relationship rests.


  • Witnessing violence between one’s parents while growing up has been found to be a significant risk factor for perpetrating partner violence in adulthood. Men from violent homes are significantly more likely to believe in husbands’ rights to control their wives and be physically and sexually abusive toward them. The internalization of prevailing norms related to violence, and the subsequent behavior and rationalization of that behavior, need to be examined by addressing the issue of violence and the means to break the cycle of violence.


  • As in other surveys, hardly any women in NFHS-3 reported seeking redress from formal organizations or authorities to deal with the violence they faced because of fear of being ostracized and stigmatized by the community in which they live. or seek support. The fear that they themselves will be blamed for inciting men to use violence against them looms large. In the absence of supportive shelters or other avenues, it is very difficult for battered women in India to muster up the courage to challenge their abusers in court or seek support from the few social service organizations that exist. The humiliation of those who approach the judiciary due to long court battles, and the treatment of insensitive police and others with little sympathy irks most women. They prefer to suffer quietly in their homes, which turns out to be useless.


  • Even education is universal to support women.

Nick does not give the right to enter the area. Better-educated women or women belonging to better-off families who experience violence are less likely to share their experiences or seek support from others. This needs to be understood in the context of a culture of silence, where women try to explain what happens in the home environment. Equally important is the sense of shame associated with being abused by someone they know and with whom they share an intimate or marital relationship. Even when physically injured, women remain silent and bear it alone. Furthermore, social norms that tolerate and accept violence are widely prevalent in Indian society and their adherence prevents women from receiving care.




  • The United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women (United Nations General Assembly 1993) defines violence against women as “any act of gender-based violence that results in physical, sexual, psychological harm or suffering to women” is or is likely to be.” , coercively or arbitrarily deprivation of liberty, whether in public or in private life, including threats of such acts”. Women experience violence across a wide continuum: in private, public and virtual domains – from strangers, family members, intimates, etc. Current research and factual data have shown that various forms of abuse and violence occur within the family but at the societal level, the family is still considered a private domain that is outside the bounds of legal observations and sanctions. A recent study by the World Health Organization (WHO) states that family violence is prevalent in almost all countries of the world. In India, the Indian National Family and Health Survey officially recorded data from various states pointing to the existence of domestic violence. The new bill for the prevention of domestic violence has been passed in India after a lot of struggles and efforts. Although commendable, these efforts are difficult to implement because of the ‘culture of silence’ that shrouds gender relations within the family. It then becomes very important to look into the socio-cultural factors and causes that are associated with such issues.



  • The traditional norms of Indian society, being largely patriarchal in nature, ignore and shelter the existence of such gender-based violence which are not only inscribed in individual socialization but are also embedded in the structural structures and institutions of the society . There is a need to study and examine these social constructs that lead to such behavior so that more informed and action-oriented policy directions can be formulated and implemented to combat family violence. Research needs to focus on dispelling the myths and ideas associated with, among other things, family roles, gender hierarchy, their relationship with the larger world and the manipulation of material and authority that takes place through them.
  • Among all social institutions, the family occupies a unique and special place in the social imagination of the people as an ideal unit. It is seen as the most important and more importantly the most private existence. Thus any inquiry into the sacred space of the family is often met with resistance and skepticism. The view of the family as a site of power contestation, domination or subordination is met with adversity and shaped by the tug of war between religious discourses, individual identity versus community identity, etc.


  • In India, a person’s identity belongs to and is reflected by his family and community, which is further bounded in caste, religion, cultural and other such affiliations. The institution of the family remains the primary venue for gender relations and family and kinship ties play an important role in establishing such relations as well as power hierarchies and rules and norms of resource allocation. Kinship, which is one of the most important factors for organizing social relations, also becomes the basis for organizing economic, cultural, as well as sexual and reproductive practices. Marriage and family in India are seen more in the collective interest than in individual interests or desires. These institutions are underpinned by values such as ‘honour’, ‘shame’, ‘respect’, ‘sacrifice’ and ‘putting family first’.


  • All these values tend to make the family representative of the larger community and so far put all its actions under the scrutiny of any community. This sense of collective honor and shame leads to violence in the face of any crime that threatens the honor or status of a particular community. Furthermore, these acts of violence are usually perpetrated against women because the notion of honor in the Indian patriarchal structure is closely linked to the sanctity and movements of women within the family or community. The patriarchal fact of controlling women’s sexuality leads to a violent lash-back towards any kind of transgression by women, such as going against caste and community lines for marriage, or within the family- determined by male members Non-adherence to norms. ,



  • According to Dubey (1988), gender roles

Conception is learned through a complex system of enactment and relationships that is embedded in the wider context of family structure and kinship.

Conception is learned through a complex system of enactment and relationships that is embedded in the wider context of family structure and kinship.

अवधारणा अधिनियमन और संबंधों की एक जटिल प्रणाली के माध्यम से सीखी जाती है जो परिवार संरचना और रिश्तेदारी के व्यापक संदर्भ में अंतर्निहित है।

Conception is learned through a complex system of enactment and relationships that are embedded in the family structure and the wider context of kinship.

अवधारणा अधिनियमन की एक जटिल प्रणाली और रिश्तों के माध्यम से सीखी जाती है जो पारिवारिक संरचना और रिश्तेदारी के व्यापक संदर्भ में अंतर्निहित हैं।

 The family structure serves two very important functions – one, it reflects the law of recruitment and marital residence and how one generation succeeds the other; Two, the configuration of role relationships that determine the allocation of resources, the gender-based division of labor, and the socialization of children to future roles. in

  • Family structure and kinship patterns in India are also closely linked to the institution of caste. Membership of caste groups is determined by birth and has a strong component of boundary maintenance, the responsibility of which falls on females because of their role in biological reproduction. The patriarchal system supports certain acts of violence as preventive measures against women taking control of their own sexuality which can disrupt this system of material and resource allocation. Acts of violence like female foeticide, dowry death, domestic abuse, rape, etc. operate and perpetuate themselves under the patriarchal banner which pervades community and family life and is also internalized by men and women at an individual level Which in turn leads to such values and ideology permeating the state machinery and legal institutions and their policies.




  • According to Kumari (2009), the process of globalization is imposing yet another set of complexities and contradictions on this notion of family and community at large across the globe. New meanings of family and community are increasingly being defined


  • Market forces and it has both positive and negative consequences. On the one hand, it has led to greater freedom and democratization in the sense that women have been educated and allowed a degree of autonomy to move and work independently, to better standards of living . This modernity has allowed policy interventions for the purposes of women empowerment, economic and political power for women, legal reforms etc. Women, on the other hand, seem to lack control over their resources and income and are victims of discrimination and violence.



  • In Kumari’s view, even though women have entered the public sphere of formal work and labour, their private sphere of family values and violence is a strictly protected private sphere from which they cannot secede. She mentions in her article that studies indicate that one of the definite consequences of globalization and marketization has been an increase in the rates of domestic violence against women. The nature of conducting marriages has changed from being based on the physical characteristics of the bride and the economic status of the groom to the intellectual and earning capacity of the bride and the economic capability of the groom. Many marriage bureaus help in selecting and deciding marriages based on such criteria within the larger criteria of religion, caste and sub-caste. One of the major effects of globalization has been the excessive exposure to worldly pleasures and luxuries that constitute the dowry essentials. The combination of family and violence was one of the leading causes of death due to the dowry system and consequent dowry-related violence. Apart from all the traditional norms of physical features, religion, caste etc. women and girls now have to deal with the additional norms of being educated, worldly and working. Also the demand for dowry is increasing due to globalization due to the desire for new and better resources available in the market. Records from the National Crime Records Bureau show that there has been a 10% increase in the incidence of dowry deaths and atrocities by husbands between the years 1998-2003 (Kumari, 2009). In the following sections, this paper will follow the shame/honour argument and how it underlies violence in families and the way they are functioned.



  • For Patricia Uberoi, the family is often the site of abuse and violence but sometimes even academics ignore this fact. This is probably because the family is considered a cultural ideal and the center of identity. The matter is complicated by the surrounding environment which limits the interaction between professional academia and the private sphere of the family, thus making it inviolable. Further complications arise from the notion of ‘izzat’ or family honor which enables a culture of silence and exploitation to flourish within the family.


  • The system is not available for querying from outsiders as well. This notion of respectability fuels violence as well as prevents women from seeking help against violence. The honor of a family or community is embodied and represented by the women of that family or group. It is symbolic in the sense that, women’s bodies are seen as the property of their family and as a body that is protected from violation from outside. This makes it imperative for families and communities to create strict rules aimed at controlling women’s sexuality to prevent threats to their honor. Women have to follow strict rules regarding mobility, conversation, marriage etc. It is considered the moral responsibility of the woman or girl to maintain the honor of her family and to keep up with any crime or even the alleged crime.
  • Family and larger community

It causes violent outbursts.

  • Kandiyoti (1998) describes classic patriarchy as a system where girls are married into a household headed by their husband’s father and subordinate not only to men but also to senior women. Was This patriarchal system shapes gender relations which include the construction of masculinity and femininity for men and women to follow and socialize. Not only for women but also for men there are many characteristics prescribed which are directly related to their social identity of man and woman. Women have historically been seen as caretakers of children and home, expected to fulfill the roles of daughters, wives and mothers, passive, non-expressive about their sexuality, submissive, obedient, etc. Is performed. On the other hand, men are seen as The protectors and bread earners must be in control, strong- physically and emotionally etc.


  • These norms are enforced and reinforced through media and popular culture, state and religious institutions. In both the public and private spheres, men have a responsibility to uphold their honour, the honor of the family and the honor of the larger community. This notion of honor is strongly linked to notions of masculinity and femininity and is maintained by following social rules/norms regarding it. Violating these norms is not only considered harmful to the individual but also tarnishes the reputation of the family and possibly the community to which they belong. There is a widespread understanding that honor is embodied by the woman but in India, a man’s personal honor is linked to the women of his home and family. Therefore, patriarchy provides certain incentive methods of protecting honor such as restricting women’s mobility, seclusion or
  • ‘curtain’ to limit dialogue, and violence. Honor-based killings are defined by Human Rights Watch as “acts of retaliation, usually death, committed by male family members against female family members who are perceived to have brought dishonor upon the family”.



  • Since patriarchy gives great importance to males, as they are seen as heirs and it is through them that a lineage is carried forward- it ideologically supports the practice of son-preference. In this system women are seen as temporary members of their paternal families as they have to go to their husband’s house after marriage. Thus they are excluded from inherited land which is the property of a dominant clan. Their temporary membership in the family of birth leads to their lack of value and the existence of the custom of dowry further reduces their desirability in a household.


  • Dowry is seen as drain of wealth which is caused by daughters due to which their birth is seen as a burden and thus leads to violence in case of sex selection in favor of sons during pregnancy Is. It also leads to a large number of female infanticides and abandonment, in order to free oneself from the burden of producing dowry and to raise a daughter who will be a prestige in the society, unlike sons who are protectors. And has the ability to harm respect. And the dynasty will continue. Sons are expected to provide financial support during the life of the parents, especially in old age as they continue to live with their parents and also prefer sons over daughters than spend time with grandchildren. There are some personal reasons to like. While culture cannot be directly blamed for the practice of violence, it does shape and mediate how abuse and violence occur in different groups at different times.



  • The process of socialization in India actively reinforces values that justify and reinforce existing power relations in the social system. A high premium is placed on conformity, dependency and disrupted self-identity. The dominant image of women broadcast in the media is that of a mother and wife and these representations tend to create feelings of inadequacy in women and consequently the need to incorporate these roles into their behaviour. It is an effective way of controlling women to shape their perceptions about life and to establish values and norms that women themselves have had no hand in formulating.



  • Surveys and studies show that women tend to validate and rationalize acts of violence against themselves within their families because they see them as acts that should be expected and not as a social deviance. Thus they accept and tolerate such acts of violence within their families which shows how socialization plays a huge role in the lives of both men and women, for them to not only internalize such acts but also validate them . The stereotypes of loving mothers and obedient wives create oppressive structures and situations that limit the way women can think and grow and limit their opportunities as independent citizens.

Ti is Boys, on the other hand, are trained to be aggressive, competitive, and controlling.

  • His glorious role of bread-winner can be achieved by him. The shroud of silence worn by women is powerfully institutionalized throughout our society. Women are silenced on their subjection with the idioms of lost respect, public shame, shame and humiliation. Even in professional counseling, women are asked to focus on keeping the marriage intact rather than breaking up, and to think of ways to cope, understand and adjust rather than change things. This is the effect of patriarchal nature of our society and state and thus also of their reforming institutions.
  • To understand the nature of violence in India it is also important to understand the position of women in the structure of material production. There is a need to question the extent to which the institution of the family is responsible for creating and maintaining structures and ideologies


  • Subordination and silence, structures that limit women’s participation in decision-making, and help perpetuate existing hierarchies of power relations. According to Kelkar (1985), violence runs along the lines of power in the sex/gender system and the family, with the division of labor by sex, as the primary institution underpins the sex/gender system. Thus the study of the power relations of the family is an important means of creating visible violence that organizes around it. The subordinate role of women in the family is replicated in the larger society which can be seen in low wages, sexual harassment at the workplace, poor health care and educational facilities for women, etc., which is justified by the belief that since men are the main breadwinners and Head of the household, women’s employment opportunities and their concerns are not as important as those of men.
  • The following types of gender violence are linked to the family, that is, these acts of violence can occur within the family and the larger community, violating norms of son-preference, crossing caste and community lines. Domestic, and acts of violence arising from sheer position of dominance.







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