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Women and Family Planning

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Growing population is the most pressing and urgent problem of the country today, and the root of all social and economic ills. Therefore, population control program is seen as a panacea for all ills, which will reduce the birth rate by adopting small family norm. However, family planning programs are highly targeted towards women. When policies are made for population control, women are mentioned.

appeared. This concern about declining birth rates flows directly from the theory that population growth is an impediment to development—a conviction that persists despite a lack of evidence that any such cause-and-effect relationship exists (Krishnaraj: 1999). It affects women. a concept related to the control of population

Will not consider the interests of women as the primary objective. The notion of development as economic growth will forget that development is for the people and women are also people. They are the means and the end at the same time. As women bear more children, a decrease in fertility means that women must give birth to fewer children. Therefore, the problem is seen as one of women’s fertility, not social organizations. How can fertility be reduced? This can be achieved by directly reducing the fertility of the female body or by taking care to prevent impregnation by males.

Birth control is an important means of liberation for women, but when birth control is implemented, or when the means to do so are unavailable, or the means created are dangerous to life and health, the consequences for women are direct. There is a difference. In all such cases women power is limited. Reproductive control can be free only when it involves not only control of it, but also when it implies self-regulation carried out independently by women.

Since 1970, use of modern contraceptive methods has increased from about 10 percent to 40 percent. Again, the figures vary widely by state, ranging from 53 percent in Maharashtra to 20 percent in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. Sterilization has a huge impact on the practice of family planning, with over 75 percent of modern contraceptive users sterilized. However, vasectomy accounts for only 10 percent of all vasectomy, while only 7 percent of couples use condoms (NFHS: 1992–93). Ironically, many medical techniques for family planning have had the opposite effect. The burden and responsibility of birth control has been put on the women and especially on the poor women.

family planning technologies such as IUD, tubal ligation, implantable contraceptives; A professional is required to set up laparoscopic tubectomy and follow-up is also required. But they hardly get time to follow-up. Furthermore, these instruments must be applied by highly trained and experienced hands and in an environment where sterile conditions and adequate care are carefully maintained. Most of the time, these techniques have side effects, as do injections and intrauterine

Same is the case with appliances. Women suffer from excessive bleeding, cramping, back pain, headache, dizziness and bloating (Shramshakti: 1988). abortion

Unless women coming to family planning centers are forced to be guinea pigs to participate in trials of experimental contraceptives, they are often denied. Sterilization is being adopted en masse as a quick and easy method without acknowledging the adverse effects on women who have to resume heavy physical labor soon. Thus, inadequacies of the health care system at the operational level have rendered many existing practices unethical, which could otherwise be safely promoted.

The most important aspect of contraceptive use in India is the prevalence of vasectomy, which accounts for more than 85 percent of total modern contraceptive use. Female sterilization accounts for 90 per cent of sterilization (World Bank: 1996). The lack of knowledge about and access to other contraceptive methods reflects the family welfare program’s historical emphasis on sterilization. The increase in contraceptive options, especially temporary methods for delaying and spacing pregnancies, are now seen as a high priority. Many organizations are calling for this especially in the context of AIDS (Arrow: 1996). While the dominant ideology of gender relations that views men as economic providers and women as child-bearers and nurturers persists in society, it is also reflected among predominantly male policy-makers and health workers. The state becomes an additional agent for control over women’s bodies (Krishnaraj: 1999).

Women’s entry into the formal education system began in the mid-19th century, but gained widespread acceptance only in the mid-20th century. The government was slow in pursuing policies that promoted education, but social reformers and women’s organizations realized the importance of women’s education at all levels. The efforts of organizations such as Maharishi Karve, Mahatma Gandhi, Tagore as well as the All India Women’s Conference not only advocated providing access to education to women, but also declared that education would enable women to play their part and become useful citizens. helps.

The Constitution of the Republic of India, introduced in 1950, contained several important provisions that had a direct or indirect impact on education. Article 45 imposed the direct responsibility of education on the states. The State shall endeavor to provide, within a period of 10 years from the coming into force of this Constitution, of free and compulsory education for all children until they complete the age of fourteen years) has not been achieved). Article 16

Enforced non-discrimination on the basis of sex in public employment, and Article 15(3) empowered the state to make special provisions for the welfare and development of women

and children, the provision that was included to justify special allocation and relaxation of procedures/conditions to enhance access to education of girls at various levels.

After independence, the first major step taken by the leaders in the Nehru era was the setting up of a University Education Commission under the chairmanship of Dr. Radhakrishnan. It is very significant that the Commission devoted an entire chapter on women’s education, discussing its various dimensions. However, the views of the all-male commissions on women’s roles seem to have moved on from those of a few decades earlier. “The commission holds that a well-ordered home helps to make well-ordered men. The mother who is inquisitive and alert, well-informed and familiar with such subjects as history and literature, and who stays at home with her children and works, will be the best teacher in the world, both in terms of character and intelligence.”

The commission mentions that without educated women there cannot be educated people, and therefore women should be given opportunities to get education. Despite the firm belief that a woman’s highest vocation is that of a skilled housewife, the commission had to mention that a woman’s world should not be limited to a single relationship. It was forced to note that women are entering the world of work. Therefore, the section on women’s education was needed, commenting, “The educational system at all levels should prepare men and women for such different occupations.”

Various commissions like Secondary Education Commission (1952-53), National Committee on Women’s Education (1958-59), Committee on Differences in Curriculum for Boys and Girls (1962), Kothari Commission (1964-66), equality of women, national development failed to clarify the relationship between their participation and the pattern and emphasis of education. on one’s own. No consideration was given to how societal values, possibly adverse aspects of the educational process, the construction of gender, and women’s equality as a value, could or needed to affect the educational process.

The Status of Women in India was constituted in 1971 and the report was prepared towards equality. The report is an eye-opener to the disparities between men and women, “summarized by the chilling statistics of imbalanced child and adult sex ratios indicating significant differences in male-female mortality rates. The report focuses on women’s welfare and sash

Significantly influenced government policy in terms of promoting decentralization. On the other hand, the findings significantly influenced a section of Indian academics in their research and teaching, pushing them away from the old

An approach to view the role of women related to family welfare to view the status of women as an input into the process of development and an important issue. A National Policy on Education was adopted in 1985. Policy 2000 for universalization of elementary education for children in the age group of 6-14 years and eradication of illiteracy in the age group of 15-35 years. Barriers to initiation of their access to retention will receive overriding priority through provision, scheduling and effective monitoring of social support services. as well as existing and emerging technologies.

Women’s education at different levels:

There has undoubtedly been an overall increase in the female literacy rate in the country after independence. The percentage of female literates was barely 9 per cent in 1951, while in 1991 it has risen to about 40 per cent, though the picture is not very bright as compared to men. 27.16 percent of males were literate in 1951, while in 1991 this percent was

64.13 percent. Another important issue is that of gender differences as well as regional diversity. While Kerala, Himachal Pradesh, Punjab, Tamil Nadu, Gujarat and Maharashtra show better results, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Orissa have made little progress in education at all levels. In rural India, with a per capita income of less than Rs 120, 54 per cent of boys are in school while only 31 per cent of girls go to school. In urban areas, 64 percent of boys in the same income group are in school while 51 percent of girls attend classes. With the rise in income, the attendance of girls aged 15-19 is only 37.4 percent, which may indicate that the remaining 63 percent of girls are married or helping their mothers, so they are not required to attend classes. Difficulty participating. Adolescent girls are particularly vulnerable.

Women in Higher Education:

While literacy and early education meet the needs of social and human development and become a means of being

For better health and income generation, women’s higher education promotes social and occupational mobility and leads to intellectual and personal growth, often resulting in an elitist culture. Thus, higher education is viewed as an important step in individual, family and social mobility. one of the paradoxes of

It has been the case of women’s education that while literacy and primary education, which touch the masses of women, present a dismal scenario, the picture of women in higher education is not so dismal. Karuna Channa has noted that the proportion of women in total enrollment was 10.9 per cent in 1950-51, it increased to 27.2 per cent in 1980-81 and 52 per cent in 1996-97 (Chana: 2000). The decades following independence were full of developmental and technological activities, of which women’s education was a vital necessity. Thus, the national agenda helped women from the upper middle class and upper castes to enter the portals of higher education. Chanana points to the slow growth after the eighties as a result of the lack of specific policies and measures to encourage women’s education.

The higher proportion of women at the research level indicates the increasing employability of women in higher echelons of power. Career-oriented female students have turned to commerce and law from arts faculties, and especially science faculties. In commerce, there is an allure of jobs in banks and other commercial firms. Law, which was considered to be the domain of men, has opened its doors to women not only by providing opportunities to practice law or join judiciary but also due to ample desk and research work in the legal field, where Women can be accommodated. Furthermore, with the rise of litigation and claims, feminists believe that women lawyers can better represent women’s cases. Women’s entry into employment-oriented courses such as commerce, law, engineering and technical fields suggests that while a liberal stance of education may prevail for most students, there is also a trend towards employment orientation of women.

Another important is increasing number of girls in short term courses like polytechnics, computer courses and information technology. Opening up of job opportunities among women opting for non-traditional courses, self-employment possibilities as well as the need to juggle both family and professional roles are clearly visible. Karuna Chanana observed that these students (joining new subjects) belong to the urban middle and upper strata of the professional and salaried class in metropolitan cities. They are also people who belong to small families where the norm of two children means they can only be daughters. These daughters are given the best education by their parents. It is also learned that engineering students

Father has been an engineer. Thus, parental aspirations have been very important in the new orientation of female students in higher education (Chanana: 2000).

The expansion of choices and advent of careerism among urban middle class women can be linked to the forces generated during the last four decades, which

Post liberalization phase. Better skills, wider information and knowledge and vocationalisation are considered essential for administration, productivity improvement and market orientation. Today the technically trained, management-trained and computer-savvy have better market potential. These requirements, on the one hand, emphasize efficiency and a professional approach to work, and on the other hand, create tough competition among interested people. Many women in urban areas opt for some of these courses, and those who are entrepreneurs to support parents or husbands can venture into self-employment by starting small or medium businesses. The present generation may have both but will have to fight hard to maintain the balance.

Apart from the variations observed across disciplines, regional variations are also an important factor in the spread of higher education among women. The general pattern of distribution is as follows: The four southern states register better enrollment than the northern Hindi-speaking states. As recently as the mid-nineties, Goa, Kerala and Punjab recorded enrollments between 50-52 per cent, while Bihar, Arunachal Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh reported very low enrolments, ranging from 18 per cent to 26 per cent. Middle. There are many reasons for the variations: the relatively low status of women in these fields, the delay in opening education to women, the slow development of technical education and the economy, and the political climate.

Role of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs):

Primary education (five years of schooling for children) has been accepted as a non-negotiable issue, the advance is not striking. Many programs have been started by the government of various funding agencies, but the problem of girls’ education becomes serious once they get primary education. Dropout rates after primary school are high in rural India, especially among girls, children from socially and economically disadvantaged communities, and those living in remote areas. It is now widely accepted that these sections of the Indian society are not able to access educational facilities, or if they do enroll they drop out for a reason.

wide range of demand side and supply side factors (Ramachandran: 1999). Only 30.6 percent of girls in the 15-19 age group in rural India have progressed beyond middle school, compared to 49.6 percent of boys. Similarly, 63.8 percent of girls in urban areas are in secondary school. When these figures are seen in relation to income level, it becomes clear that many families belonging to the lower income group are forced not to educate their daughters. The gender difference is quite remarkable. Where resources are limited, the first hit is on girls’ education. In the 6-14 age group, about 52 percent of girls are out of school. Thus, there is doubt about the utility of education in terms of its potential for employability. It is in the context of certain inherent problems with the delivery of the education system and its relevance that the role of NGOs becomes crucial. We will briefly assess their role in basic education.

The Indian constitution had guaranteed compulsory education to all by 2000 AD, but there is no such feeling. Thus a space was created in this program for the cooperation of NGOs. The Arak movement in Andhra Pradesh was quite successful for the literacy classes. Similarly, 1992 saw an unprecedented mobilization of women through the literacy movement in Pudukottal district of Tamil Nadu. Interestingly, the women here adopted the bicycle as a symbol of their power. Learning the alphabet and getting a means of mobility brought new hope to the program. Kishore Bharti and Eklavya in Madhya Pradesh, Propel in Maharashtra, and the Research Center at Tilonia in Rajasthan are among the early NGOs that work on the educational needs of women, both in terms of skills as well as an innovative approach to learning. She is also working as a resource base for grassroots women’s organization.

Privatization and Women’s Education:

In a general society in which the education of girls is given less priority; The cost of education acts as a deterrent. School attendance rate by age group and household monthly per capita expenditure in rural households with per capita income less than Rs 120-140, in the age group of 10-14 years, 65.4 percent of boys go to school, 31.1 percent of girls. The data is indicative of rural-urban differences in terms of the relationship between income and enrolment, as well as gender value systems. In such a situation, if the state withdraws its support from education, then the worst sufferers are the poor girls. as a welfare state with development as one of its primary

Keeping the goals in mind, the state initially took the responsibility of providing free education. Some states, for example Maharashtra and Gujarat, have provided education to girls up to the college level.

The policy of providing free education was adopted. Looking at some data on the percentage allocation of expenditure on education over a period of five decades, we see significant changes. For example, while the Center was spending about 28 per cent on technical education in the seventies, the amount came down to 19 per cent in the nineties. However, there has not been much change in expenditure on the primary cut in the share of the Center in the nineties. After the onset of a period of structural adjustment, there was a decline in public expenditure in various sectors, including education. The decline in higher education is quite marked. In short, privatization of education is likely to particularly impact girls and women from economically weaker sections.

women and land rights

Economic analysis and policies related to women have long been associated with employment to the point of neglecting an important determinant of women’s status, namely gender differences in control over assets. It is argued that gender differences in property ownership and control are the most important contributors to gender differences in economic well-being, social status and empowerment (Agarwal: 1994).

The notion that the family is a unit of congruent interests and priorities, among whose members the benefits of available resources are shared equally, regardless of gender, has long been an issue in development policy. In India, women’s land rights have recently been taken into account in the Sixth Five Year Plan (1980–85). First limited recognition by the government of women’s need for land (and only in the context of poverty): The plan states that the government will attempt to give joint title to spouses in programs related to the distribution of land and houses to the landless. The instruction on combined headings was not resumed in the Seventh Five Year Plan (1985–90), whereas

The Eighth Plan (1992-97) makes only two specific points with regard to women and agricultural land: one, it holds that “O

One of the basic requirements for improving the status of women is to change the inheritance laws so that women get an equal share in ancestral property, but it does not give any direction to ensure that it is implemented. Second, it asks state governments to allocate 40. percentage of surplus land (i.e. land acquired by the government from households exceeding a specified maximum) to be allocated to women alone, and the rest jointly in the name of both spouses (Government of India: 1992).

Gender, property and land: some conceptual links:

The relationship between gender and wealth is important in looking at the place of women in society. For this five interrelated issues are discussed below:

Household property and women’s property:

The relationship between gender subordination and property should be explored not only in the distribution of property among households but also in the distribution of men and women; not only the owner of private property but also the one controlling it; And not only in respect of private property but also of communal property. Furthermore, gender equality in legal rights to property does not guarantee gender equality in actual ownership, nor does ownership guarantee control.

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The distinctions between law and custom, and between ownership and control, are particularly important: most Indian women face significant barriers to realizing their legal claims to landed property, as well as exercising control over any land they receive. have to face.

In fact in most societies today it is men as the gender (even if not all men as individuals) who largely control wealth generating assets, whether privately owned or not, large operations as managers. Even property that is under state, community or clan ownership remains effectively under the managerial control of men selected through their dominance in both traditional and modern institutions: caste, clan council, village elected body, State bureaucracy at all levels etc. How do we define womanhood? Marxist analysis, for example, implicitly assumes that women belong to the class of their husbands or fathers. So women belong to the class of their husband or father. So women from “bourgeois” families with property are part of the bourgeois class and women from proletarian families are counted as proletariat. However, as it is now

Well recognized, there are at least two problems with this characterization: (a) a woman’s class status as defined through men is more open to change than a man’s; A well-established marriage may increase it, divorce or widowhood may decrease it. (b) to the extent of women, it is difficult to mark their class position; (Bourdieu: 1984) Some have even argued that women constitute a class in themselves (Bajra: 1970). In fact, neither deriving femininity from men’s position of property, nor deriving it from their propertyless position, appears to be sufficient, although both positions reflect a dimension of reality.

Women from wealthy homes benefit economically and socially from the class positions of their husbands. But women also share common concerns.

that cut into derived class privilege (or lack thereof), such vulnerability to domestic violence; responsibility for housework and child care (even if not all women do such labor themselves—the more affluent may hire assistants); Risk or wealth with gender inequality in legal rights and marital breakdown. This ambiguity in women’s class status has a significant impact on the possibilities for collective action among women. On the other hand, the remarkable similarities between women’s positions and the relatively monotonous character of their class privileges make class distinctions less sharp among them than among men, and in many cases may provide grounds for collective action.

The link between gender and property is also related to gender ideology and property. Gender ideology can prevent women from getting the right to property. Assumptions about women’s needs, roles, capabilities, etc. influence the formulation and implementation of public policies and property laws. Again, ideas about gender underlie practices such as female segregation, which limit women’s ability to exercise their existing property claims and to successfully challenge persistent gender inequalities in law, policy and practice with respect to such claims. Let’s ban. Ideological struggles are therefore inextricably linked with women’s struggles over property rights. Those who own and/or control wealth-generating assets may directly or indirectly control key institutions that shape ideology, such as educational and religious establishments and the media. These can shape competition in gender-progressive or gender-regressive directions. The influence of gender ideologies can vary according to the wealth status of the household (considering the family’s religion, caste, etc.). For example, both assetless and assetless households may support the ideology of female seclusion, but t

That former group would be in a better economic position to implement their practice, and by doing so strengthen their emulation.

Non-property families as a mark of social status. Also, gender ideologies and related practices do not arise from wealth differences alone, nor can they be viewed in purely economic-functional terms. Rather they will tend to adapt and change in conversation with economic changes.

Another link in the relationship between women and property is the possible link of women’s property rights with control over women’s sexuality, marriage practices, and kinship structures. For example, would women with independent property rights be subject to more or less familiar controls on their sexual freedom than women who do not have them? It would also be important to examine whether societies that have historically recognized women’s inheritance rights in real estate, in order to keep the property intact and within their purview, sought to control women’s marriage partner and post-marital residence. trend has been shown.

Importance of land as an asset:

Land has been a condition of political power and social status. For many, it provides a sense of identity and rootedness within the village; And often in the minds of the people, land had a permanence and permanence that no other asset possessed (Selvaduri: 1976). Although other forms of property such as cash, jewellery, cattle, and even household items could theoretically be converted to land, in practice rural land markets are often constrained, and land is not always readily available for sale. (Wallace et al.: 1988). In any case, ancestral land often has a symbolic meaning (Selvaduri: 1976) or ritual significance (Krause: 1982) that is not acquired land. Therefore, in land disputes people may spend more than its market value to retain the disputed ancestral plot. Thus, both the form of the property and its origin are important in defining its importance and the likelihood of conflict related to it.

land rights :

Rights are defined as claims that are legally and socially recognized and enforceable by an external legitimate authority, be it a village-level institution or some higher-level judicial or executive body of the state. Bodies (Brombley: 1991). Rights in land can be in the form of ownership or in the form of a right of use (that is, a right of use), with varying degrees of freedom to lease, mortgage, bequeath, or sell. Land rights can arise on a person by inheritance

or on a joint family basis, by community membership (for example, where a clan or village community owns or controls land and members have rights to use it), by transfer by the state, or by tenancy arrangements, purchase, and so on. Rights in land have temporal and sometimes local dimensions as well; They may be hereditary, or accumulated only for a person’s lifetime, or for a shorter period; And they may be conditional on the person where the land is located, for example, in the village.

Here we have to look at the legal validity of a claim and its

A distinction needs to be made between social recognition and between recognition and enforcement. A woman may have a legal right to inherit property but this may remain true only on paper if the law is not enforced, or if the claim is not recognized as socially valid and family members The woman is forced to give up her share in favor of her brothers. Another important thing is the ability to decide how the land is to be used, how its produce is to be disposed of, whether it can be leased, mortgaged, bequeathed and can be sold. It is sometimes mistakenly believed that legal ownership comes with the right to control in all these senses. In fact legal ownership may be accompanied by legal restrictions on disposal.

Legally, property rights of women are governed by personal laws (Agarwal: 1994). Most legal systems give women considerable inheritance rights; And in traditionally patriarchal groups, especially after 1950, legal forms resulted in much more authority than customs. For example, the Hindu Succession Act of 1956 gave the daughters, widow and mother of a Hindu man who died in the state, equal rights in property as sons. These were rights of absolute ownership and not just limited interest for life.

Why do the Hilas need independent rights in the land? ,

The importance of women’s independent rights to agricultural land rests on several interrelated arguments that can be grouped into four broad categories: welfare efficiency, equality, and empowerment.

Welfare Argument:

To begin with, especially among poor households, rights within land can reduce women’s own and, more generally, household exposure to wealth and poverty. The reasons for this stem partly from the general positive effect of providing women with access to economic resources independently of men; and partly from the specific benefits associated with inland rights

means. In other words, the threat of poverty and physical

The well-being of a woman and her children depends to a large extent on whether she has direct access to income and productive assets such as land, rather than mediated only through her husband or other family members. In India, in 1982, an estimated 89 percent of rural households owned some land, and an estimated 74 percent owned it (Government of India: 1987). When male labor migrates from rural areas to urban areas (Bardhan: 1977), the dependence of women on the rural/agricultural sector remains higher than that of men. salary. In particular, women’s non-agricultural incomes appear particularly low and uncertain.

While there is a clear need to strengthen women’s earning opportunities in the non-agricultural sector, particularly by ensuring their entry into its more productive sectors, non-agricultural livelihoods substitute for land-based livelihoods for most women. cannot, although they can complement them. Asanset Base (Chaddha: 1992). So, effectively, land will continue to occupy a place of primacy in livelihoods in general, and women’s livelihood systems in particular, for some time to come.

Efficiency Argument:

Figuring out the potential efficiency effects of women having land rights is much more difficult than figuring out the potential welfare effects. In many contexts, women are acting as household heads and sometimes with sole responsibility for organizing farming and ensuring family subsistence, but also on the land they are farming. They don’t have any rights. For example, long periods of male out-migration have resulted in many women serving as de facto household heads. or widows cultivating plots given to them from the joint family property (as an inheritance claim on their deceased husband’s land), but the plots are still in the names of their in-laws. Again tribal women cultivating communal land rarely have ownership rights. Their fields, which are usually given by the state only to male farmers. In these circumstances, giving women titles and providing them with infrastructural support can increase production by increasing their access to credit, and information on technology and productivity-enhancing agricultural practices and inputs. Land rights can both motivate and enable women to adopt improved agricultural technology and practices and hence increase production. This is not dissimilar to the argument made in favor of the land reform discourse

By increasing the incentive and ability of cultivators to invest in land. The provision of land to women may also have other indirect benefits, such as reducing migration to cities, both by women themselves and by their dependent family members; and increased farm income in the hands of women, which in turn could generate higher demand for non-agricultural goods that are locally and labor-intensively produced, thus creating more rural jobs.

Equality and Empowerment Argument:

Equality and empowerment are also a matter of concern. contrary to considerations of welfare and efficiency, less and less of the implication of complete deprivation of access to land and

more than the implications of men’s and women’s relative access to land, and they affect women’s ability in particular to challenge male dominance in the home and society. , The equality argument for land rights can be viewed in several different ways. The larger issue of gender equality as a measure of a just society, of which equality of rights over productive resources would be an important part. There is a specific aspect of equality in land rights, as an indicator of women’s economic empowerment and as a facilitator in challenging gender inequalities in other (eg, social and political) spheres. Land rights can also improve the treatment a woman receives from other family members by strengthening her bargaining power. Although employment and other means of earning can help in similar ways, land in a rural context generally provides more security than other resources of income—at least, a place to own. Even outside the household, land ownership can empower women by improving the social treatment they receive from other villagers (Mies et al: 1986), and by enabling them to bargain with employers from a stronger fall-out position. Land ownership is also closely linked to rural political power. To be sure, there may still be social barriers to individual women’s participation in public decision-making bodies, even for women endowed with land, but land rights can facilitate such participation. Group cohesion among women will also help. For example, a woman with landed property may have difficulty establishing herself politically or socially in a village, especially where social norms dictate seclusion, but a group

P Women can work in unity (Chen: 1983).

Pragmatic vs Strategic Gender Needs:

Pragmatic gender needs are basic subsistence needs (such as food, health care, water supply, etc.): satisfying them does not challenge women’s status within the gendered division of labor, or a given distribution of wealth or political power . In contrast, strategic needs are those that help overcome women’s subordination, including changing the gender division of labor, removing institutionalized forms of discrimination, such as the right to own and control property, and establishing political equality. (Moser: 1989; Molinius: 1985). In these terms, land rights would fall under strategic gender requirements.

However, the apparent analytical accuracy of this distinction is in many cases examined from the perspective of practice. The first few strategic gender needs, such as those for land rights, are also necessary, in specific contexts, to meet practical gender needs, as evidenced by welfare and efficiency perspectives.

Constraints in getting effective land rights:

Today most of the arable land is in private hands. Access to which is primarily through inheritance. Although women have considerable legal rights in land and property, gender inequalities and inconsistencies in land laws persist. Furthermore, there is a huge gender gap between the law and practice. Most females do not land, and of those that do, only a few are able to control it. A number of factors—social, administrative and ideological—severely restrict the effective implementation of heritage laws. These constraints are mentioned by (Agarwal: 1994) as follows:

 In most traditional patriarchal communities, there is strong male resistance to giving land to women, especially daughters. This resistance was clearly evident when progressive legislation in the 1950s gave women in partisan communities the right to inherit land. Besides a reluctance to accept more claimants to the most valuable form of rural property, one of the key factors underlying such resistance is a structural mismatch between contemporary inheritance laws and traditional marriage practices. Among matrilineal and bilaterian communities, families sought to keep land within the purview of extended relatives, either by strict rules against transfer of land by individuals, or where such segregation was possible (as among bilaterian communities), other methods. From; These include residence after marriage

Village, and often marriage with close relatives, especially cross-cousins, is emphasized. In fact, the proximity of the post-marital residence to the maternal house appears to be virtually a necessary condition for recognition of the daughter’s share in the landed property. Although contemporary laws enacted by the modern state give inheritance rights to daughters among most communities, including traditionally patrilineal, patrilineal ones, marriage customs are still within the purview of local kinship and, in relevant cases, largely are made. Unchanged.

 Second, women tend to give up their share in ancestral land for possible economic and social support from brothers. Visiting by brother is the only regular connection of a woman with her ancestral home when she is married in a distant village, and especially where the hospitality of the married daughter is accepted by the parents.

There are social taboos against owning a car. and after a parent’s death, the brother’s home often offered the possibility of temporary or long-term refuge in case of marital breakdown or widowhood. A woman’s dependence on this support is directly related to her economic and social vulnerability.

Economically, limited access to personal assets, illiteracy, limited training in income-earning skills, limited earning opportunities, and low wages for available work can all constrain women’s access to earnings and the ability to have an independent economic existence Huh. Socially, women’s vulnerability is linked partly to the strength of female segregation practices and partly with a range of social factors that vary in strength by community; Area and circumstances. But usually, in the hope of such support, women give up their claim on ancestral land.

 Dependence on brothers is part of a larger social context in which many aspects of rural women’s relationships with the world outside the family are usually mediated through male relatives: fathers, brothers, husbands and extended male kin. Such mediation is necessary because of a variety of factors (the nature and strength of which vary by region, class and caste), but especially because of physical and social restrictions on women’s mobility and behaviour. In many communities these restrictions are evident in the norms and ideology of purdah or female isolation; In many others, they are implicit and subtle, but still effectively limit women. These restrictions are not only manifested in the purdah of women, but are generally based on gender.

Aggregation of space and gender specificity of behavior.

 Male relatives often take pre-emptive steps to prevent women from receiving their inheritance: for example, fathers have been known to favor sons and disenfranchise daughters; And the brothers have been known to forge wills or manipulate statements in front of revenue officials to make it appear that the woman has given up her authority.

The Natal are particularly hostile to the idea of daughters and sisters inheriting land, as property can go outside the patrilineal lineage group. A widow’s claims are often met with less opposition, as a widow is more likely to have land remaining with the clans: she may be persuaded to adopt the son of a deceased husband’s brother, if she is childless. or to enter into a levirate union with the husband’s (usually younger) brother, or forfeit property if she remarries outside the family.

 The logistics of dealing with legal, economic and bureaucratic institutions are often formidable and work against women’s claims; And they can decide to do so only if they have male relatives who can mediate. The low level of education of rural women, and the notable restrictions on women’s interaction with the extra-household sector and institutions constituted primarily for men, the complex procedures and red tape involved in dealing with judicial and administrative bodies, and so on. All work to the disadvantage of women, as evidenced by women’s relative lack of financial resources.

 Local level (mostly male) government officials, responsible for overseeing the recording of inheritance shares, often obstruct the implementation of laws favoring women. Social and official prejudices against inheritance by daughters are particularly acute; Widow’s claims are somewhat better accepted in principle, although in practice it is often violated. There is a big difference between legal ownership and actual ownership. There is also a difference between ownership and effective control, especially due to a mix of factors such as managerial control, purdah system, gender segregation of public space, social interaction, high rates of female illiteracy.

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