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Nature, extent and characteristics of violence against women

2022 SOCIOLOGY-COMPLETE SOLUTIONS

criminal violence

The term violence is used for more extreme forms of aggressive behavior that are likely to cause significant injury to victims.

Although violence usually refers to physical aggression, it can also be applied to psychological stress that causes suffering or trauma. Broadly, the term “violence” has been applied to the narrower issue of physically striking persons (Kempe, et al.: 1982) and causing injuries (Gill: 1970), with the intent to harm or harm a person. For the act of killing from. injury but not actually causing it (Giles and Strauss: 1979), where there is a high probability of injury (Strauss et al.: 1980). and committing acts where there is no actual assault—such as verbal abuse or psychological and emotional violence.

Megargy defined violence as “the openly threatened or overt use of force that results in the injury or destruction of persons or property or reputation.”

The question is, where does one draw the line between aggression and violence? A rapist, for example, uses coercion to obtain sex from a non-consenting victim. When that coercion involves the direct or threatened use of physical force, it clearly constitutes violence. But what about psychological pressure? A husband can use his authority to compel his wife to have sex. This would be sexual harassment. However, some people believe that sexual harassment is not an act of violence. Some authors attempt to address this issue by making a distinction between force and violence. Hofstadter (1970) defined acts of force as “those which prevent the normal free action of movement of other persons, or which restrain them through the threat of violence”. Luckenbill and Sanders (1977) state that some actions, for example rape, are considered violent, yet some involve only force. It will exclude acts such as kidnapping and dacoity from the roster of violent crimes, unless the victim is injured. Ahuja (1987) has given a comprehensive consideration of the term violence. According to Ahuja, for the term “violence” to denote a perceptible reality, violence must be reported as an exclusively human phenomenon, since it involves encroaching upon an individual’s freedom.

The problem of violence against women is not a new one. Women in Indian society are insulted till then, so

They have been victims of oppression and exploitation for as long as we have written records of social organization and family life. There are many records of women being abducted, raped, murdered, and so on. But remarkably, women victims of violence have not received much attention in the literature on social problems or in the literature on criminal violence. Nor does it attempt to explain why both the public and scientific communities alike ignored the disparate evidence for so long that women were being grossly exploited in our society.

The attitude of indifference and negligence can be attributed to three factors:

 Lack of awareness about the seriousness of the problem.

 General acceptance of superiority of man over woman due to which violent acts against women were not seen as violent or deviant.

 Denial of violence by women themselves because of their religious values and social attitudes.

As the cases of wife-beating, rape, kidnapping and abduction, intra-family murders and dowry-deaths etc. are being reported more and more since the late 1960s. The issue of violence against women has turned from a private issue to a public one.

Concept of violence:

The term violence is used for more extreme forms of aggressive behavior that are likely to cause significant injury to victims.

Megargy defined violence as “the openly threatened or overt use of force that results in the injury or destruction of persons or property or reputation.”

Luckenbill and Sanders (1977) state that some actions, for example rape, are considered violent, yet some involve only force. It will exclude acts such as kidnapping and dacoity from the roster of violent crimes, unless the victim is injured. Ahuja (1987) has given a comprehensive consideration of the term violence. According to Ahuja, for the term “violence” to denote a perceptible reality, violence must be reported as an exclusively human phenomenon, since it involves encroaching upon an individual’s freedom.

On the liberty of another, e.g., rape, kidnapping and abduction, wife beating, dowry death and murder. Rape is a sexual violence while assault, murder and dowry-death are examples of physical violence and kidnapping is both social and economic violence. The Bureau of Police Research, Delhi (1994) refers to “crimes against women” under two categories: (1) offenses under the Penal Code and (2) offenses under local and special laws. The bureau has identified seven offenses in the first category and four in the second category. There are seven offenses under the IPC: rape, kidnapping and abduction, dowry death, torture (physical and mental), molestation, molestation; and the importation of girls under the age of 21, while there are four offenses under local and special laws: commission of sati, dowry prohibition, immoral trade, and indecent representation of women.

Nature, extent and characteristics of violence against women:

Violence against women can be classified as:

Criminal violence- rape, kidnapping, murder.

Domestic violence – dowry death, wife beating, sexual abuse, ill-treatment of widows and/or elderly women.

Social violence- Forcing wife/daughter-in-law to commit female foeticide, molestation,

Denying women a share in property, forcing young widows to commit sati, harassing daughter-in-laws to bring more dowry.

Social violence

female foeticide :

Misbehavior of the husband’s parents may incite the husband to attack his wife; or in the case of a rape, a man accidentally meets a female acquaintance of his neighboring village in a field and strikes up a conversation, eventually attempting to have his way with her; or the male employer takes advantage of his young female employee by finding her alone in his office/factory late in the evening; Or a young girl runs away from her father’s house and accepts a lift in a truck and the truck driver takes advantage of the situation and criminally assaults her.

In all these cases, the ‘perpetrators’ did not plan violent acts, but used violence when they found the situation favorable or provocative. Aside from these violent acts, these criminals were not leading a life of deviant behavior.

Now-a-days new problem of female feticide has arisen in sex determination of fetus before birth and during last 20 years abortions of female feticide are increasingly done to get rid of the birth of girl child which is ultimately bound. To throw off the balance and proportion of men and women. Although many states have banned prenatal sex determination tests, many clinics still practice prenatal sex determination. All of this is done with the sole aim of making their business lucrative, regardless of its far-reaching and disastrous consequences for society as a whole. Several NGOs across India have raised their voice against this practice, terming it unethical, but it has been going on unabated for a long time.

Sati :

An Act to provide for the more effective prevention of the commission of sati and its glorification and for matters connected therewith or incidental thereto. The practice of sati, which is the burning or burial of widows or women alive on the funeral pyre of their husbands, is a rebellion against the feelings of human nature and is nowhere enjoined as an essential duty by any religion in India. Lord William Bentinck outlawed the practice in 1829 to separate religious beliefs and practices from blood and murder. With the enactment of the Indian Penal Code in 1860, sati was not defined as a separate offence. Those who abet and participate in the crime are prosecuted under section 306 of the Code, ie abetment to suicide. Being a special law, the Prevention of Sati Act, 1987 deals with the offenses related to the practice of Sati.

Eve teasing :

When a man does not act in a public place by spoken words or signs and or by visible representation or gesture, or in any public place signs, recites or pronounces. An all India survey on harassment of women found that eve teasing was prevalent in all metropolitan cities. To eradicate this evil, the Delhi administration prepared the Eve-teasing Bill in 1984. In different words, the offense of eve-teasing is included in section 294 of the Indian Penal Code,

350 and 509. Section 29 punishes anyone “who does not utter obscene son, ballad or words in or near any public place to the annoyance of others.

Motivation in Violence:

Violence against women can be explained by four reasons:

Excitement of the victim
Intoxication
Hostility towards women
Situational Urges.

Instigation of the victim:

Sometimes the victim of violence by his own behavior, which is often unconscious, creates a situation of his own victimization. The victim either initiates or triggers the perpetrator’s violent behavior. His actions turn her into an assailant/aggressor, causing him to direct his criminal intent against her.

Intoxication :

Some cases of violence occur when the assailants are intoxicated and widely excited and in a belligerent state of mind, hardly realizing the potential repercussions of their actions. For example, in some cases of rape, the perpetrators attacked the victims after they had consumed so much alcohol that they were in a state of intoxication and emotional excitement. His usual restraint had disappeared and his aggressive fantasies were closely mixed with sexual lust, which later took the form of irresponsible action. Alcohol-related sexual offenses show a disregard for time, place and circumstances. It is not clear whether the alcohol I.D.

Uses violent behavior directly or whether it acts primarily as a deterrent to pre-existing aggressive tendencies. The latter hypothesis is perhaps supported by the notion (Blumer: 1973) that some perpetrators of violence drink for courage before using violence against the person.

Hostility towards women:

Some of the reported cases of violence against women are as follows

No amount of rationalization could convert the aggressors into anything other than hostile acts of the brutal kind. Some of them have deeply ingrained feelings of hatred and enmity towards women that their violent acts can be said to be primarily directed towards the humiliation of the victim. If only situation had been the motivating factor, it is difficult to understand why a violent crime could have been committed, considering the fact that most ‘criminals’ are described as ‘normal’ persons.

Why should that have been necessary? Perhaps the desire to laugh at the humiliation of the victim was stronger.

Circumstantial urge:

In this category, may be included those cases where the crime is caused neither by the behavior of the victim nor by the psychopathic personality of the perpetrator but by chance factors that create conditions that lead to violence. Gives For example in the case of wife-beating, it may be that money matters or the misbehavior of the husband’s parents may have instigated the husband to assault his wife; or in the case of a rape, a man accidentally meets a female acquaintance of his neighboring village in a field and strikes up a conversation, eventually attempting to have his way with her; or the male employer takes advantage of his young female employee by finding her alone in his office/factory late in the evening; Or a young girl runs away from her father’s house and accepts a lift in a truck and the truck driver takes advantage of the situation and criminally assaults her.

rape :

Study by Ahuja (2001) revealed that crimes committed against women have important characteristics: (1) rape does not always occur between total strangers; in

In about half of the cases, the rape victim is known to her assailant; (2) nine out of ten rape cases occur; (3) about three-quarters of rapes are single rapes, a fifth are couple rapes, meaning a woman is raped by two men, and a fifth are gang rapes; (4) Nine out of every ten rapes do not involve physical violence or brutality, i.e. only the inducement of cruelty in the vast majority of cases. used to; (5) less than three-quarters of rapes occur in the victims’ or victims’ homes and (6) the 15–20 year age group has the highest rate of victims, while perpetrators are mostly in the 23–30 age group. ,

Virginity is valued by men, yet it is men who violate it and rape it. Important factors in rape are: “age”, “consent”, (including implied consent and consent obtained under the pretext of fraud of marriage), “coercion”, “state of mind” and “resistance”. Section 375 of the Indian Penal Code describes rape as having sex with a woman against her will, or without her consent, or with her consent by putting her in fear or causing death or hurt, or with her consent, when the male knows that he is not her husband but she considers him to be her husband, or with or without his consent when she is under sixteen years of age.

Age-wise, the percentage of female rape victims is highest in the 16 to 30 year group (64 percent), with victims under 10 years old accounting for 3 percent, those between 10 and 16 years old around 20 percent, and The share of victims above 30 years is 13 per cent (Crime in India: 1992). Not only poor girls become victims of rape but middle class workers are also sexually abused by their employers. Women inmates in jails are raped by superintendents, women suspects by police officers, women patients by hospital personnel, maids by their employers, and daily wage earners by contractors and middlemen.

Abduction and Kidnapping :

In a large number of cases of kidnappers, the victims know each other; (3) often, only one person is involved in an abduction, (5) the most important motives for abduction are sex and marriage, and (6) the absence of parental control and an unsatisfactory relationship in the family play a significant role in interactions between the two. There are factors. The kidnapper and the victim and the girl run away from home with some known person.

Abduction is the taking away or enticing of a minor (female under the age of 18 and male under the age of 16) without the consent of a legal guardian. Kidnapping if taking a woman by force, deceit or deception with intent to entice her to have illicit sex or to compel her to marry a person against her will. In kidnapping, the consent of the victim is unimportant, but in kidnapping, the voluntary consent of the victim excuses the crime.

Taking the average of five years (1990-94) it can be said that about 33 percent of girls/women are abducted/abducted in a day in our country. Of the total victims kidnapped/kidnapped each year, 87 per cent are women and 13 per cent are men. (Crime in India: 1993).

Important features of abduction/kidnapping revealed by Ahuja’s study are: (1) unmarried girls are more likely to be victims of kidnapping than married women; (2)

There are rakes. The kidnapper and the victim and the girl run away from home with some known person.

the killing :

Homicide is primarily a masculine crime. Although all-India data on homicides and their victims by gender is not available, it is well known that the number of female homicide victims is lower than that of male victims. About 38,000 murders are committed in India every year, with about 10 percent of the total victims being women. Of the total persons arrested for murder every year, 97 per cent are men and 3 per cent are women (Crime in India: 1994).

domestic violence

Dowry Deaths:

Dowry death in the form of suicide by abused wife or murder by greedy husband and in-laws has indeed become a cause of great concern for the parents, legislators, police, courts and the whole society. Although the Dowry Prohibition Act, 1961 has banned the practice of dowry, the law actually recognizes that the problem exists. The demand for dowry has increased with time. As a rough estimate, the number of deaths due to non-payment or partial payment of dowry in India can be placed at around 5,000 for a year. The increase in the incidence of dowry crimes is evident from the fact that as against dowry death cases in 1987, there were 4,215 cases in 1989 and it increased to 4,935 in 1994. The number of cases of cruelty by husband and in-laws was reported to be 25,946 in 1994. Most dowry deaths take place in the privacy of the husband’s house with the connivance of family members. Hence the courts accept the inability to convict anyone in the absence of evidence. At times, the police are so callous in conducting the investigation that even the courts question the efficiency and integrity of the police officers. The significant features of dowry deaths are found more in middle class and upper caste incidents. Various forms of harassment/humiliation are used against women prior to dowry-death. family composition plays a

Important role in bride burning cases

wife beating

Violence against women in the context of marriage becomes more significant when a husband who is supposed to love and protect his wife beats her. For a woman, getting beaten up by a man she trusts the most becomes a shattering experience. Violence can range from slapping and kicking to broken bones, torture and attempted murder, and even murder itself. Sometimes, violence can be related to intoxication but not always.

Growing up in the Indian culture, a wife rarely thinks of reporting a case of beating to the police. She silently bears the humiliation and accepts it as her destiny. Even if she wants to rebel, she cannot do so because she is afraid that her own parents will refuse to keep her permanently in their house after the marital breakdown.

Violence against widows:

Not all widows face the same problems. A widow may be one who has no children and has become a widow after a year or two of her marriage, or she may

She may be one who becomes a widow after a period of 5 to 10 years and has one or two young children, or she may be one who is above fifty years of age. Although all the three categories of widows face problems of social, economic and emotional adjustment, the first and third categories of widows have no obligations while the second category of widows have to play the role of a father to their children. The first two categories of widows face the problem of biological adjustment. These two types are not as welcome in their husband’s family as the third type. In fact, while the family members try to get rid of the first two types of widows, the third type of widow becomes an important figure in the son’s family as she has to look after her son’s children and cook food in his absence. Responsible for cooking. His working daughter-in-law. The self-image and self-esteem of the three categories of widows also differ. Awidow’s economic dependence is a serious threat to her self-esteem and her sense of identity. The low status accorded by their in-laws and others in family roles lowers their self-esteem. The stigma of widowhood itself affects a woman negatively and she falls in her own esteem. If we take all types of widows together, we can say that violence against widows includes physical assault, emotional neglect/torture, verbal abuse, sexual abuse, denial of legitimate share in property and ill-treatment of their children. is included.

gender and disability

Women with disabilities occupy a diverse and marginalized position in Indian society based on their disability and socio-cultural identity, which divides them into different categories. Assets such as caste, class and residential status. However, women with disabilities who may have plural identification marks make their daily experience complex and difficult. For women as well as women with disabilities, the rise of neoliberal states has deepened already severe oppression and exclusion based on physical ability and gender (Chouinard).

While the Indian cultural reality sometimes favors the birth of daughters.

Neither has been favorable (as is evident from the steady decline in the sex ratio). The onset of disability in a girl child is worse than death.

न ही अनुकूल रहा है (जैसा कि लिंगानुपात में लगातार गिरावट से स्पष्ट है)। एक बालिका में विकलांगता की शुरुआत मृत्यु से भी बदतर है।

Neither has been favorable (as evidenced by the steady decline in the sex ratio). The onset of disability in a daughter is worse than death.

न तो अनुकूल रहा है (जैसा कि लिंगानुपात में लगातार गिरावट से पता चलता है)। बेटी में अपंगता की शुरुआत मौत से भी बदतर होती है।

While women have been fighting hard for equal rights in a patriarchal system, women with disabilities are rarely recognized as individuals. A society that accepts the ableist standard treats girls and women with disabilities in the most inhumane way possible. It is not only for those whose disability is very severe, but also for all those who are ideally different.

Disability from childhood thus imposes a subordinate position on them, and increases the likelihood that their rights will be neglected. Women with disabilities also face discrimination at the hands of the feminist world, which has not benefited women with disabilities as a frame to understand women’s lives and status in society, the mix of disability and gender Women with Disabilities in India reflects the reality of The opportunities for improving the quality of life of a disabled girl child are almost non-existent. Women already living a life of subjugation without education and employment can function without the burden of disability. As one mother lamented, ‘Wasn’t it enough that we had a hand-to-mouth existence? Why did God have to be added to punish us further by giving us a lame (crippled) daughter’ (Ghai 2001: 31).

In a culture where having a daughter is considered a curse, having a disabled daughter is a fate worse than death as she has to struggle with both her role as a daughter, her desire for a son, and her own disability. The desire for sons should be understood in the context of the ritual value of sons as well as the social and economic burden of raising daughters (Johri 1999: 78). the construction of

The daughter as a burden is rooted in a cultural milieu that sees daughters as parai (other). As Johri elaborates, ‘One of the religious duties of the father is Kanyadan, the gift of a virgin girl to the husband and family. Giving dowry becomes a part of this ritual. However, the underlying understanding in this exercise is that whatever you are giving must be correct. A disabled girl, when offered to a prospective son-in-law, should be compensated accordingly. If compensation is not possible then compromises have to be made like marrying a widower. On the other hand, a disability in a son, although painful, would still be more acceptable because he does not have to give in.

Women with disabilities occupy a diverse and marginalized position in Indian society based on their disability and socio-cultural identity, which divides them into different categories. Assets such as caste, class and residential status. However, women with disabilities who may have plural identification marks make their daily experience complex and difficult. For women as well as women with disabilities, the rise of neoliberal states has deepened already severe oppression and exclusion based on physical ability and gender (Chouinard).

Within India, the fact that disability can have a gender dimension has only recently been realised. (Ghai 2003; Hans & Patri 2003; Das & Agnihotri (1999) indicate that the incidence of disability intersects (or is influenced) by gender. Extrapolating from the available data, they indicate that women with disabilities are more likely to be disabled than men with disabilities. are heavily marginalized in the U.S. Disability law also adopts a gendered approach, as a result of which none of the 28 chapters outlining the various issues address the problems of women with disabilities.

In the chapter on interactions with culture, I talk about the negative interpretation of a disabled woman (Doniger and Smith 1991, 205–06). As a result, a culture that rules arranged marriages puts a woman with a disability in a difficult position. Where there is a possibility (however difficult) of resistance to this cultural system for ‘normal’ women, for girls with disabilities it is an uphill task. Some disabled girls from the rich or middle class may be able to cope with the difficulties inherent in an arranged marriage, although it involves a lot of compromise. Disabled sons retain the possibility of marriage, as they are not gifted but gifted recipients. Disabled and non-disabled men seek ‘normal’ women as wives, and therefore participate in the devaluation of people because of their disability.

Son preference in the large Hindu community in India, in keeping with its religious philosophy, is now combined with technology that can examine an unborn fetus and provide a test to determine sex.
The 2011 census indicated a continued preference for boy children over female children. The latest child sex ratio is 914 females per 1,000 males – the lowest since independence (PTI March 31, 2011). In a society where female abortion is rampant, aborting preterm babies would not cause any stir or resentment. While the ethical contradictions of prenatal sex testing are under discussion for feminists, prenatal testing to identify and abort children with disabilities is not addressed (cited in Ghai 2003:69). For women with disabilities themselves, these issues are secondary.

become pregnant because cultural stereotypes deny them the role of motherhood. However, women with disabilities are denied the possibility of this fulfillment, as both marriage and reproduction are difficult accomplishments in a socially restrictive environment.

Denial of women with disabilities from ‘traditional roles’ of women Fine and Ash (1988) coin the term ‘hopelessness’, a social invisibility and cancellation of femininity that may force women with disabilities to move forward, (all helplessness Despite this), female identity was valued by their given culture but rejected because of their disability. A number of thoughtful works by Indian feminists analyze the impact of the evaluative male gaze. However, the essential distinction between sexual objects and ‘gazing’ objects is not understood. If the male gaze makes ordinary women feel like inert objects, then the stare turns the ineffable object into a grotesque sight.

Women with disabilities struggle not only with how men view women but also with how society as a whole views people with disabilities, denying them any sense of resistance. Davies (1995, p. 128) cites a scenario described by Anne Finger

Interpretation of an imaginary meeting between Rosa Luxemburg and Antonio Gramsci, each of whom is handicapped, given Rosa the temporary power of the able gaze, we can measure the startle response as she holds her hand in one hand towards him Seeing the limping ‘misshapen midget’ black suit so worn that the handcuffs crumble and the fabric turn green with age, his eye is immediately drawn to this disruption in the visual field; faint fluttering; retorts that she is staring at him and rapidly turning her head. And then moments later, the consciousness that the quick aversion of the gaze was as insulting as the stare, so that he tilts his head back but tries to return his attention to the normal, not fiery gaze of Comrade Rosa.

Davies points to the irony that Rosa has walked with a limp her whole life, and yet found it unusual. It brings a throbbing pain to me when I realize that stigma is nearly impossible to overcome. I get confused when books say am I not a woman am I not handicapped? A few years ago I went to Trafalgar Square to see a marble statue of Ellison. My first reaction was that this is a wonderful example to be found in the life of disabled artist Alison Lapper.

Apparently, the artist, Mark Quinn, wanted to introduce some femininity. The nearby Nelson’s Column appears to have been a linga monument. A significant statement, titled ‘Alison Lapper Pregnant’ can be appreciated. Nelson who was ‘crippled and blind’ is regarded as a ‘war hero’; His disability does not overwhelm him and does not arouse pity. One review told me that able-bodied artist, Mark Quinn, said: ‘The sculpture makes the ultimate statement about disability – that it can be as beautiful and valid as any other.’

My argument is that in fact ‘disability’ as a social category is problematic, though beautiful but extremely complex. The statue is not only a symbol of courage and bravery but it is also a symbol of sensuality and motherhood. I learned that she is an artist in her own right, having created an inspiring series of photographic self-portraits with her child. This statue is a picture of resistance in a way. Where this sculpture seems to defy ideal ideals, it reminds me of the ‘damaged’ part of me. Representation of the disabled body in a way is opposed to ideas of beauty.

In a society in India where any deviation from the commonly accepted basic is seen as a marked deviation, the disfigured body becomes a symbol of imperfection. ‘Influences of such historical rendering are found in North Indian Punjabi culture, where girls are allowed to interact with their cousins, they are not allowed to sleep in the same room. On the other hand, there is no such restriction on girls with disabilities’ (Ghai 2003: 72). This reflects what Harlan Hahn (Thomson 1997, 25) calls ‘asexual objectification’, and also evidences a disregard for the dangers of sexual violation to which girls with disabilities are exposed. The assumption that sexuality and disability are mutually exclusive also denies that people with disfigured bodies experience sexual desires and refuses to recognize them
As sex specific despite their differences.

Indian feminist scholars have looked at the embodiment with the influence of caste, class, and historical phases such as colonization; However, the disfigured body

Not considered as having analytical results. As Niranjana (1997: 106) points out, the focus on the body has been a symbolic one where the body is treated as a sign or code that is significant to the extent that it speaks of a social reality other than itself. doing. In suggesting to talk about the body representing symbolic social meanings, as an image of society or a metaphor for society, the question remains whether these approaches to the body

We can acknowledge the materiality of cultures, not just as they constitute/represent a culture, but how they constitute the lived reality of individuals.

Although this analysis raises issues of cultural spaces and the female body, there is no mention of the disabled body. This omission reflects a historical practice that continues to render disabled people invisible, similar to the invisibility experienced by blacks in a white racist society. It is ironic that united feminists concerned with the issue of difference in their efforts to empower the powerless, and resolved to change social inequalities, have not raised issues related to the meaning of harm for women with disabilities. While the movement’s failure to accept women with disabilities can be understood as reflecting the patriarchal character of a society that it accepts and aims to include, at least in India, the feminist movement has Defiance, which claims objectivity through its theoretical deconstruction of the oppressive social. Guessing, makes little sense.

What is particularly painful is that Indian feminist thought fails to recognize that the problematization of women’s issues applies equally to the issues of women with disabilities. In theory, some women with disabilities may benefit from the activities of some women’s groups, but no documentation of specific examples exists. On the other hand, there is ample evidence that women with disabilities are victims of domestic violence and sexual assault. However, when the national Indian media gave widespread coverage to a story about a woman with cerebral palsy being abused by her father, women’s groups responded only superficially. Furthermore, Indian feminist scholars have not attempted to develop appropriate theoretical responses to the situation of women with disabilities.

Historically, the only instance that generated a reaction from Indian women’s groups was when 14 mentally challenged girls were forced to undergo hysterectomies at the Sassoon General Hospital in Pune, (a city in the state of Maharashtra) on 5 February 1994 Was. There was an example. Reported in major newspapers on 24 February. Following these press reports came the intervention of women’s groups. In pursuing the case, I found that the institution serving a large rural community had placed developmentally disabled girls under institutional care. However, girls were not allowed to wear pajamas with drawstrings and sanitary napkins with belts, as it was claimed that they could use these cords to commit suicide. Records regarding the stay have not been kept very carefully, so it is difficult to provide precise details. Importantly, the absence of protective gear such as pyjamas, undergarments and sanitary napkins made managing bodily functions such as menstruation difficult. To deal with the problem of menstrual hygiene, the hospital decided to perform a hysterectomy. In-spite of this

Patriarchal lack of women’s necessities, in the same institution boys were issued full pajamas with drawstrings that could be looped more easily than any sanitary napkin. However, the risk of suicide was not clearly observed in his case. Sadly, this example has not been translated into a broader effort to open a dialogue about the forced sterilization of women with developmental disabilities. This failure indicates that Indian feminists still do not see women with disabilities as an important and sustainable constituency. However, there are efforts (The Hindu, January 01, 2005) in which calls for a ban on forced hysterectomy for mentally and physically challenged girls were made by the NCW and CBR Network, an NGO. They have demanded a special charter to protect the rights of marginalized persons with disabilities f 145 life with a separate provision for safeguarding the rights of women with disabilities.

While national policy documents on women’s empowerment have emphasized on mainstreaming women’s concerns for self-development, the contradiction of a hierarchy within a hierarchy is evident as the lower class and caste, tribal and certain groups of women has been discussed about. Minorities, wrapped in ‘welfare’
It reflects the skewed attitude of mainstream feminists, who exclude women with disabilities from their attention while sensitively exploring distress as a major component of a woman’s life experience. There have been changes in the last decade as issues of women with disabilities have been included in women’s movements. There have been some gains in inclusion as well as participation in the decision making of some organisations.

Initially women with disabilities were mainly talking to change people, but a conference gave other women with disabilities an opportunity to talk about their lives and understand that disabled are feminists who need to work together to bring about change. are ready for. the life of his brotherhood. The 2008 Women’s Studies Conference went a step further and focused on issues of disability in a plenary session.

But still only two women representatives were disabled among about 500 women. Thus, while feminists in India fight against oppression to recognize issues of disability, it is still not fully aware of them. Although the convention was ‘accessible’, access was defined in a limited way. The toilets were either too far away or not accessible. In another conference in Mumbai where women with disabilities were present in large numbers, many workshops were held in inaccessible places where lifts were not accessible. Inclusion certainly means more than making nominal arrangements for those of us on the fringes.

For the first time, Mainstream Journal of Gender Studies procured a special issue on Disability, Gender and Society (May/August 2008, Vol. 15, No. 2, published by Sage). Although much more work needs to be done, it is a welcome starting point. While there are sensitive women who have heard the voices of their disabled relatives, colleagues and friends, a certain semioticism prevails within wider feminist discourse and practice. For the voices of women with disabilities to be truly heard, the women’s movement must acknowledge the social, economic, communication as well as architectural barriers that prevent women with disabilities from sharing their stories.

And engage in a public discourse. It is time that the women’s movement interrogates ableism. This is seen in women in a service that is not physically accessible or that believes that access is only a wheelchair ramp and nothing else. For example, for women who are hearing impaired or visually impaired, accessibility may mean using sign language or Braille formats.

Enablement is also reflected in the kind of language that non-disabled feminists use when referring to disabled feminists, for example, ‘You’re so brave’ or ‘It’s really wonderful that you can come out and able to come to this. the seminar. Much is needed, however, because women’s studies departments have not included issues of disability. It could be argued that I’m weaving in where there would be potential for real dialogue between feminists and women’s groups and women with disabilities. Not that I am discounting the possibilities of resistance, which can be attributed simply to a strong will to survive regardless of identity. With this in mind, I can argue that women with disabilities have formed support groups and are in the process of challenging dominant constructs of disability.

Also the Indian Association for Women’s Studies created the Fund, which helped create a module on gender and disability. It also went to the University Grants Commission and in a way the module was accepted although it would take a long time for women’s studies departments to address disability as well as the lack of discussion among women with disabilities to collectively advance the concerns of disabilities. No groups exist for women, and thus to influence both the disability movement and the women’s movement. Right now the voices of women with disabilities are confined to academic settings, where a double victimization hypothesis has been exposed. This hypothesis takes the view that disabled women experience a double disadvantage, as they are worse off socially, economically, psychologically, and politically than disabled men or non-disabled women. Disability adds to their already marginal position as women.

Many feminist thinkers in the field of disability have objected to this ‘double harm’ approach because its literature does not empower women with disabilities. Morris says, ‘I always feel uncomfortable reading about my life and concerns when they are presented in these words’. When Lonsdale (1990) writes, ‘The status of ‘disabled’ for women combines with their condition of being female to create a unique kind of oppression, I feel burdened by loss, I feel victimized. , , Such writings do not empower me. We need to find a way to make our experiences visible, to share them with each other and with non-disabled people, so that – while drawing attention to the difficulties we face in our lives – our desire to assert our will lessens. don’t be
Self-worth (1996: 2).

While Morris is absolutely correct in her stance, the problem is that even the hypothesis of double harm fails to generate concrete action as a result of feminist discourse, and practice does not go beyond tokenism and rhetoric. The struggle in India is very similar to the fight that feminism, a cognizance of differences among women, engaged in as a political movement. It took a constant fight for mainstream feminism to accept the dangers it contained.

The adoption of the universal category of ‘woman’ – and the exclusion of those on the periphery and marginalised, by default. For those outside of mainstream feminism, says Elizabeth Weed (1989, 24), women’s experience has never been problematic. The common ground of sisterhood that has long stood as the ideal of white feminism has always been more utopia than representative slogan.

Was an opiate. Worse, it was coercive in its unrecognized universalism, its unrecognized exclusions.

Indian women with disabilities experienced this exclusion when feminist theory and practice in India continued to ignore their experiential realities of discrimination, ignorance and neglect. Feminists reinforced the construction of women with disabilities as being outside the hegemony of normalcy. As a result, much needed political action has not moved forward. The resistance offered by women with disabilities has only led to a superficial acceptance of differences, with an underlying assumption that the core issue is gender. Therefore, the stated need is to raise gender issues, perhaps adequately enough to address the lives of all women regardless of their backgrounds and differences. At least this recognition is responsible for the emergence of a discourse about difference; But I cannot ignore the fact that this dialogue has not made much, if any, impact in increasing social policy recognition of the concerns of women with disabilities or in enhancing their quality of life. A more fundamental, according to Nivedita Menon (2000), reason for the total absence of disability as an issue in the Indian women’s movement – and the relative lateness of its emergence in Western women’s movements – may be that feminists around the world have generally But considered ‘women’ as a category which is self-evident. In a way it has been internal colonization. That is, an unsupported assumption that all women, regardless of their differences from one another, have apparently shared concerns.

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This abstraction of ‘women’ emerged from a feminist position presenting ‘difference’ as a challenge to the abstract category of ‘citizenship’, which assumed masculinity to be the norm. By the late 1970s, ‘sisterhood is global’ seemed to be an undeniable feminist truth. The challenges of women of color and other stigmatized and marginalized groups of women characterized the category of ‘women’ as a further abstraction, which in turn idealized the white, middle-class, heterosexual woman (without disability). In India, such a challenge has come from feminists from minority communities. The allegation is that the women’s movement has idealized the Hindu upper caste woman, and this criticism has emerged most clearly in the debate on the Uniform Civil Code (UCC). The debates were in relation to the demand for a common set of personal laws that would apply to all religious communities in India. The opposition came from the belief that the emerging homogeneity would inevitably represent the voice of the majority (which in this case was Hindu women), thereby marginalizing women from minority groups.

Menon, an outspoken activist in the women’s movement and a political scientist by profession, feels that the invisibility of disability within feminism is due to the mechanisms that have made women invisible in general in the larger society. But as a feminist who feels troubled by the neglect of disability issues, she thinks the movement has the potential to grow and change. another reason for

The failure to represent women with disabilities is that there are too many issues and too few resources within the Indian women’s movement. As a result, the action has shifted toward dramatic patterns that resonate in the lives of capable and ordinary women, rather than the minority who fail to exercise a voice or agency.

Despite the current reality of exclusion of women with disabilities within the Indian women’s movement, I would argue that simply deciding to include them is not enough. The problem cannot be solved so easily by merely adding women with disabilities as another category to the list of matters or issues to be addressed. Offering a feminist account of girls with disabilities is problematic because it requires their inclusion in the discourse. However, writing a subject (for example, women with disabilities) in an ongoing dialogue requires a certain exercise of power.
In one way or another, to shape it, and to breathe life into it. This cannot be accomplished without knowing how she can build herself up.

Thus this process requires some reflexivity. Authentically and adequately exploring possibilities requires that the process have an interactive character. It is important that feminist discourse and practice engage in a substantive dialogue with both women with disabilities and the disability movement, so that a more inclusive theory and practice emerges. To quote Marion Corker (1999, p. 639), it is often argued that theories are too complex for ex post facto explanation to be used by people with disabilities, rather that they can lead to confusion and paralysis of analysis. Huh. There is always a danger, if overemphasis is placed on the complexity of life, and if the need to understand more fully is put before the need to act more effectively, because people with disabilities are not part of a strong social movement. can be turned into interested spectators instead of active participants. , principles that reduce or simplify the experience of people with disabilities

particularly those that fail to conceptualize an interactive relationship between disability and impairment can have the same effect.

The solution to these problems may come from following the example of Leonard (1997) in creating a communication paradigm rooted in discursive strategies rather than structure. Failure to create these spaces, even unconsciously, does not reduce the asymmetry of power relations. Feminist discourse has evolved without women with disabilities having a hand in shaping it. What can be done now about feminists’ inattention to girls and women with disabilities, and how would feminist discursive attention be seen and read if they were initially involved in its development? Do we need a different feminist theory for women with disabilities? As Rosemary Garland Thomson observed (1997, p. 24), feminist theory can challenge the persistent assumption that disability is a self-evident condition of physical inadequacy and personal misfortune that concerns only a minority of women. Feminist disability practices would uphold the right of women to define their physical differences and their femininity rather than conform to societal interpretations of their bodies. Such practices may address some of the specific issues currently addressed by feminists, which may look different when viewed through the lens of a disability perspective.

One thing that despite being within the realm of feminist thought, seems to be different from it

The Disability Perspective The issue of caring for mothers of children with disabilities in India. As I elaborate, ‘although the stress of disability affects both parents, it is usually the mother who bears the brunt of the child’s disability’ (Ghai 2000, p. 47). Instances abound where women have been divorced, abandoned, or abused because they have given birth to a disabled child. Given the preference for sons, here also the fault of the mother is more serious than in the case of a girl child. The notion of maternal omnipotence holds mothers responsible for providing care.

Home care is usually the only option; Often there is no question of choice. Indian feminists who have debated the ethics of care, and who are now in the process of starting a debate on equality in care (Davar 1999, p. 207), have not taken into account the conditions in which people with disabilities, and especially girls, are placed. Within the traditional Indian system, the mother has been a source of support for children, especially girls with disabilities (Ghai 2001, p. 21). In the absence of social and community support, women with disabilities are largely dependent on the care provided by mothers, who undoubtedly carry an additional burden. While it is entirely appropriate to engage with their experiences of harassment in care, attempts to destabilize traditional perceptions in the absence of adequate alternative provisions may work against women with disabilities. In such a context, it would be worthwhile to engage with the careful note by Anita Silvers (1995, p. 52) that ‘far from dismantling the patriarchal system, substituting an ethics of caring for an ethics of equality may lead to an even more oppressive patriarchy’ There is a danger of ,

Another important area where feminist questioning will be invaluable relates to the area of independent living advocated by disability theorists in the West. In the absence of education, employment, infrastructure and a social security system, autonomy remains a formidable goal for women in India, and more so for women with disabilities. Any issue related to disability should be resolved in the context of the family and community. Indian feminists, with their own understanding of Indian reality, are equipped to develop alternatives that can be merged within the uniquely Indian context of the familial and the social.

One possible solution would be to apply the idea of Susan Bordo (1990, p. 138) that concrete pre
Experiences of exclusion should neither be based on theory nor provide an ideological response. Rather, as new narratives emerge, the primary task is to tell the story of diverse women’s experiences in as truthful a way as possible. The only requirement is to listen, to become aware of one’s own biases, prejudices and ignorance, so that Minnie can ‘close the narrow circle of self’, a process of drawing the boundaries of what Bruce Pratt (in Bordeaux 1990, p. 138) calls. launch. As Bordeaux points out, ‘no matter how attentive a scholar is to the axes that constitute social identity, some axes will be ignored and some will be selected’ (Bordeaux 1990, p. 140).

It is an inescapable fact of the human incarnation, as Friedrich Nietzsche first pointed out: ‘the eye. , , In which the active and interpretive powers, through which seeing alone becomes something to be seen, are believed to be lacking. There is only the attitude of seeing, only the attitude of knowing’ (Nietzsche 1969, 119). knowing perspective is never really

Pure. Our political, social and personal interests always influence it. Even in acting on our willingness to embrace our differences, we are inescapably focused.

Thus, what is needed is not

There is a strong commitment to not only creating spaces where diverse voices can share their realities and be heard, but also an active integration of differences between and within women. However, for this possibility to become a reality, feminist discourse will need to move beyond mere ambivalent recognition. What is needed is the idea of a multiple constraints that prevent the expression of difference. This task is a difficult and complex one, especially when asymmetry serves as a mere device to conceal analogous understanding. Hope is essential in the struggle for change. It involves recognition of the unacceptable nature of current conditions and relationships. It arises from within a social context characterized by unacceptable inequalities and discrimination. It is of paramount importance that hope is based on an informed understanding of past social conditions and relationships (Barton 2001: 3‒4).

Merely identifying a difference does not assure that we will adequately represent the difference. Furthermore, the constant focus on difference can create and create others who are unheard and therefore unrecognized. Thus the distinction is dangerous – and every new context demands that we re-examine the distinction.

Although an important question is what Sharon Lamb (1999) refers to a general tendency in people to blame others for what is not right in the world of disability, looking at the question in light of the reality that a The accusatory approach does not seem to help, given that it is not possible to both accuse and encourage the other to take responsibility for their actions at the same time.

As Lamb suggests, as much as we may assign a defect and a condition of defect to clarity of vision, it may be impossible to deal with the complexities that make up the day-to-day lives of people with disabilities and that limit them in it. Support from View. Lamb also talks about the zero/sum position that reinforces blame and how being closed in this position means we cannot explore questions such as: how far individuals are in control of their life situations Are? At which point the person concerned (the accused) could have had the option of taking a different road to a different decision.

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